JOHN IS a rough sleeper who was prescribed heroin by a local GP, then admitted to hospital after ... more JOHN IS a rough sleeper who was prescribed heroin by a local GP, then admitted to hospital after an overdose. The consultant refused to give him painkillers or methadone because, he told him, John had 'brought the problem on himself'. John has been put off hospitals ever since. He is one of the 'lost voices' included in a recent report by Crisis, the charity for solitary homeless people. The research explores the difficulties faced by homeless people with multiple needs. John's experience may fit the stereotypical image of homeless people, but the report highlights a range of health issues, including learning disabilities, mental health problems and incontinence. Brenda Roche, the Crisis policy executive for health, says there are particular problems that
An old Samoan fale that still stands and is used today 30 A Samoan fale that has been enclosed in... more An old Samoan fale that still stands and is used today 30 A Samoan fale that has been enclosed in European style 31 Anna Isabel Fox, unnamed Bible students, and Florence Fox, ca. 1921 32 Grace Evelyn Fox, "The beautiful costume was given me by my girls…" 33 Uiaku schoolgirls, showing their facial tattoos 34 Money in "The Den", the Uiaku missionary house. Notice the use of indigenous designed tapa cloth as tablecloth and Western designed strips of tapa cloth used as frieze 35 "Collingwood Bay curios" 36 Left to right at the quilting horses: Adelaide Gifford carding wool;
Gender violence is not a new problem. It takes place in virtually all societies around the world,... more Gender violence is not a new problem. It takes place in virtually all societies around the world, but only in the last thirty years has it become visible as a social issue. Understanding gender violence requires looking both at the intimate details of family life and at geopolitical considerations of power and warfare. In order to understand gender violence it is necessary to understand the world (Merry 2009: 1, 19). Violence: Acts and states, facts and values Gender violence poses a classic anthropological dilemma apropos human universals versus culturally relative concepts and values. But, both in research and in policy and associated programs of prevention and intervention, we need to try to move beyond this impasse, looking at the interaction and translation of local and global meanings in the transnational relations of our world and at the dynamic and complex historical processes which ground how gender violence has been named as a problem by national and international agencies and social movements (see Merry 2006, 2009). Naming is not just a matter of dry scholarly definition and debate but of vigorous and sometimes heated political contest. In many recent conceptions (e.g. in the United Nations Millennium Development Goals), violence refers not only to violent physical acts against persons-beating, wounding, torturing, killing-but also to emotional violence, psychological harassment, sexual abuse, financial violence, neglect and coercion. It embraces acts between intimate partners, known kin or acquaintances and strangers; it can occur in contexts which stretch from households, through public locations to the physical, and even the virtual, battlefields of war. Increasingly, it also Engendering Violence in Papua New Guinea 2 refers to 'structures' or 'states' of violence, routine forms of coercion or threats of violence inherent in systems of deprivation, exploitation, slavery or oppression (see Chs 1, 2, 4 and 8 this volume; Merry 2009: 4-5). 1 This is a very expansive definition, but it must be stretched yet further to accommodate some cultural practices and beliefs whose reality is contested or which entail hidden or invisible agencies, such as those of witchcraft and sorcery, pervasive in Papua New Guinea (PNG) (see Chs 1, 2 and 3). As Philip Gibbs shows (Ch. 3), the violence recognised by Papua New Guineans (and in his case, Simbu) 2 is not just the violence involved in the torture and killing of witches and sorcerers (which foreigners likely privilege) but the violence of the original act imputed to the witch or the sorcerer: the ruining of bodies through sickness and death, the destruction of crops and pigs, misfortunes which are imputed to be caused by the witch. In Gibbs' view there are, thus, 'divergent opinions as to just who are the "victims" … those who suffered the direct effect of acts of witchcraft … [or] those who have been accused of being witches.' As his case studies show, the first are predominantly male, the second, those accused, are predominantly female, or men who are connected to the women accused and/or elderly or marginalised. Women accused are more likely to be tortured and killed than men who are usually only ostracised. But women also provoke harm to other women by accusing them of being witches. Gibbs suggests that accusations of witchcraft or sorcery are often deployed in situations of conflict to legitimate violent assaults, torture and even murder of the accused. Killing witches is thus seen as meritorious and protective of the community: '[t] he apparent moral propriety of the act would lead many to consider it acceptable and legitimate' (Ch. 3; cf. Haley 2010; see Zorn 2006). 3 Zimmer-Tamakoshi (Ch. 2) also highlights the way in which witchcraft and sorcery accusations figure in violence between men, as younger men accuse their fathers and uncles for instance. The violence of witchcraft thus poses both an epistemological and an ethical challenge for us. 4 1 Sally Engle Merry powerfully plots the difficulties of definition: Violence, like gender, is a deceivingly simple concept. Although it seems to be a straightforward category of injury, pain and death, it is very much shaped by cultural meanings. Some forms of pain are erotic, some heroic, and some abusive, depending on the social and cultural context of the event. Cultural meanings and context differentiate consensual or playful eroticized forms of pain from those of a manhood ritual and those from a cigarette burn on a disobedient wife (2009: 4). 2 These people were previously called Chimbu. However, Philip Gibbs notes that 'the Provincial Government now uses the term Simbu, which is becoming the accepted form' (Ch. 3). 3 Nicole Haley suggests the horrific recent torture and killing of witches among the Duna is not seen as continuous with past practices and is far more contested. These acts, typically by young men fuelled both by marijuana and guns, are expressly deplored by many older male community leaders who say neither they nor state forces can control them (2010: 230). 4 These epistemological and ethical challenges were vigorously debated by the contributors to this volume at discussions at ASAO panel sessions and subsequently on email. Gibbs notes the view of a PNG Justice George Manuhu that the time has come to regard 'murder as murder' and the establishment in April 2009 of a
... South Pentecost, Vanuatu. The spatial values of fixity and flu-idity are linked to the tempor... more ... South Pentecost, Vanuatu. The spatial values of fixity and flu-idity are linked to the temporal values of persistence and transience, and both spatial and temporal transformations are gendered in intricate ways. Moreover, the diver ...
The modest cloisters of the Institute of Social and Cultural Anthropology at the Georg-August Uni... more The modest cloisters of the Institute of Social and Cultural Anthropology at the Georg-August University of Göttingen is the usual home of about 400 Oceanic objects collected during the three voyages of Captain James Cook. These objects come from diverse Pacific places: Tonga, Tahiti and the Society Islands, Hawai'i, the Marquesas, Easter Island (now Rapanui), Aotearoa New Zealand, New Hebrides (now Vanuatu) and New Caledonia, and from Alaska and Tierra del Fuego on the Pacific coasts of North and South America. During the course of the voyages, these Oceanic objects were variously given to or exchanged with Cook, scientists, officers, and crew for nails, iron tools, pins, buttons, beads and cloth, or exchanged for other Oceanic objects earlier collected, such as fine white tapa from Tahiti or red feathers from Tonga. They include objects of daily apparel and use: clothing, ornaments, combs, tattooing tools, fishhooks, bowls, baskets, musical instruments, weapons, barkcloth, sumptuous ritual regalia (see Figure 1) This text is taken from Tides of Innovation in Oceania: Value, materiality and place, edited by Elisabetta Gnecchi-Ruscone and Anna Paini, published 2017 by ANU Press,
Special Issue, projected March 2015; Latai, "From open fale to mission houses: negotiating the bo... more Special Issue, projected March 2015; Latai, "From open fale to mission houses: negotiating the boundaries of "domesticity" in Samoa" (this volume). 6 Grimshaw, "New England missionary wives, Hawaiian women and the 'cult of true womanhood.'" 7 Latai, "Changing covenants in Samoa"; Latai, "From open fale to mission houses," (this volume). 8 See Latai, "From open fale to mission houses," (this volume); and Latai, "Changing covenants in Samoa"; contra Gailey, Kinship to Kingship (for Tonga). See also Serge Tcherkézoff, "'On cloth, gifts and nudity' regarding some European misunderstandings during early encounters in Polynesia," in Clothing the Pacific, ed. Chloë Colchester, Oxford and New York: Berg, 2003, pp. 51-75; Tcherkézoff, "Culture, nation, society: secondary change and fundamental transformation in Western Samoa: towards a model for the study of cultural dynamics," in The Changing South Pacific: Identities and Transformations, ed. Serge Tcherkézoff and Françoise Douaire-Marsaudon, Canberra:
... banner proclaims the title 'Violence and the Family in Vanuatu' in ... more ... banner proclaims the title 'Violence and the Family in Vanuatu' in the canonical feminist palette of ... Domestic violence was very rare - only one case of 'wife-beating' came to a village court ... buk (the Bible) women are also increas-ingly drawing on a new language of human rights. ...
JOHN IS a rough sleeper who was prescribed heroin by a local GP, then admitted to hospital after ... more JOHN IS a rough sleeper who was prescribed heroin by a local GP, then admitted to hospital after an overdose. The consultant refused to give him painkillers or methadone because, he told him, John had 'brought the problem on himself'. John has been put off hospitals ever since. He is one of the 'lost voices' included in a recent report by Crisis, the charity for solitary homeless people. The research explores the difficulties faced by homeless people with multiple needs. John's experience may fit the stereotypical image of homeless people, but the report highlights a range of health issues, including learning disabilities, mental health problems and incontinence. Brenda Roche, the Crisis policy executive for health, says there are particular problems that
An old Samoan fale that still stands and is used today 30 A Samoan fale that has been enclosed in... more An old Samoan fale that still stands and is used today 30 A Samoan fale that has been enclosed in European style 31 Anna Isabel Fox, unnamed Bible students, and Florence Fox, ca. 1921 32 Grace Evelyn Fox, "The beautiful costume was given me by my girls…" 33 Uiaku schoolgirls, showing their facial tattoos 34 Money in "The Den", the Uiaku missionary house. Notice the use of indigenous designed tapa cloth as tablecloth and Western designed strips of tapa cloth used as frieze 35 "Collingwood Bay curios" 36 Left to right at the quilting horses: Adelaide Gifford carding wool;
Gender violence is not a new problem. It takes place in virtually all societies around the world,... more Gender violence is not a new problem. It takes place in virtually all societies around the world, but only in the last thirty years has it become visible as a social issue. Understanding gender violence requires looking both at the intimate details of family life and at geopolitical considerations of power and warfare. In order to understand gender violence it is necessary to understand the world (Merry 2009: 1, 19). Violence: Acts and states, facts and values Gender violence poses a classic anthropological dilemma apropos human universals versus culturally relative concepts and values. But, both in research and in policy and associated programs of prevention and intervention, we need to try to move beyond this impasse, looking at the interaction and translation of local and global meanings in the transnational relations of our world and at the dynamic and complex historical processes which ground how gender violence has been named as a problem by national and international agencies and social movements (see Merry 2006, 2009). Naming is not just a matter of dry scholarly definition and debate but of vigorous and sometimes heated political contest. In many recent conceptions (e.g. in the United Nations Millennium Development Goals), violence refers not only to violent physical acts against persons-beating, wounding, torturing, killing-but also to emotional violence, psychological harassment, sexual abuse, financial violence, neglect and coercion. It embraces acts between intimate partners, known kin or acquaintances and strangers; it can occur in contexts which stretch from households, through public locations to the physical, and even the virtual, battlefields of war. Increasingly, it also Engendering Violence in Papua New Guinea 2 refers to 'structures' or 'states' of violence, routine forms of coercion or threats of violence inherent in systems of deprivation, exploitation, slavery or oppression (see Chs 1, 2, 4 and 8 this volume; Merry 2009: 4-5). 1 This is a very expansive definition, but it must be stretched yet further to accommodate some cultural practices and beliefs whose reality is contested or which entail hidden or invisible agencies, such as those of witchcraft and sorcery, pervasive in Papua New Guinea (PNG) (see Chs 1, 2 and 3). As Philip Gibbs shows (Ch. 3), the violence recognised by Papua New Guineans (and in his case, Simbu) 2 is not just the violence involved in the torture and killing of witches and sorcerers (which foreigners likely privilege) but the violence of the original act imputed to the witch or the sorcerer: the ruining of bodies through sickness and death, the destruction of crops and pigs, misfortunes which are imputed to be caused by the witch. In Gibbs' view there are, thus, 'divergent opinions as to just who are the "victims" … those who suffered the direct effect of acts of witchcraft … [or] those who have been accused of being witches.' As his case studies show, the first are predominantly male, the second, those accused, are predominantly female, or men who are connected to the women accused and/or elderly or marginalised. Women accused are more likely to be tortured and killed than men who are usually only ostracised. But women also provoke harm to other women by accusing them of being witches. Gibbs suggests that accusations of witchcraft or sorcery are often deployed in situations of conflict to legitimate violent assaults, torture and even murder of the accused. Killing witches is thus seen as meritorious and protective of the community: '[t] he apparent moral propriety of the act would lead many to consider it acceptable and legitimate' (Ch. 3; cf. Haley 2010; see Zorn 2006). 3 Zimmer-Tamakoshi (Ch. 2) also highlights the way in which witchcraft and sorcery accusations figure in violence between men, as younger men accuse their fathers and uncles for instance. The violence of witchcraft thus poses both an epistemological and an ethical challenge for us. 4 1 Sally Engle Merry powerfully plots the difficulties of definition: Violence, like gender, is a deceivingly simple concept. Although it seems to be a straightforward category of injury, pain and death, it is very much shaped by cultural meanings. Some forms of pain are erotic, some heroic, and some abusive, depending on the social and cultural context of the event. Cultural meanings and context differentiate consensual or playful eroticized forms of pain from those of a manhood ritual and those from a cigarette burn on a disobedient wife (2009: 4). 2 These people were previously called Chimbu. However, Philip Gibbs notes that 'the Provincial Government now uses the term Simbu, which is becoming the accepted form' (Ch. 3). 3 Nicole Haley suggests the horrific recent torture and killing of witches among the Duna is not seen as continuous with past practices and is far more contested. These acts, typically by young men fuelled both by marijuana and guns, are expressly deplored by many older male community leaders who say neither they nor state forces can control them (2010: 230). 4 These epistemological and ethical challenges were vigorously debated by the contributors to this volume at discussions at ASAO panel sessions and subsequently on email. Gibbs notes the view of a PNG Justice George Manuhu that the time has come to regard 'murder as murder' and the establishment in April 2009 of a
... South Pentecost, Vanuatu. The spatial values of fixity and flu-idity are linked to the tempor... more ... South Pentecost, Vanuatu. The spatial values of fixity and flu-idity are linked to the temporal values of persistence and transience, and both spatial and temporal transformations are gendered in intricate ways. Moreover, the diver ...
The modest cloisters of the Institute of Social and Cultural Anthropology at the Georg-August Uni... more The modest cloisters of the Institute of Social and Cultural Anthropology at the Georg-August University of Göttingen is the usual home of about 400 Oceanic objects collected during the three voyages of Captain James Cook. These objects come from diverse Pacific places: Tonga, Tahiti and the Society Islands, Hawai'i, the Marquesas, Easter Island (now Rapanui), Aotearoa New Zealand, New Hebrides (now Vanuatu) and New Caledonia, and from Alaska and Tierra del Fuego on the Pacific coasts of North and South America. During the course of the voyages, these Oceanic objects were variously given to or exchanged with Cook, scientists, officers, and crew for nails, iron tools, pins, buttons, beads and cloth, or exchanged for other Oceanic objects earlier collected, such as fine white tapa from Tahiti or red feathers from Tonga. They include objects of daily apparel and use: clothing, ornaments, combs, tattooing tools, fishhooks, bowls, baskets, musical instruments, weapons, barkcloth, sumptuous ritual regalia (see Figure 1) This text is taken from Tides of Innovation in Oceania: Value, materiality and place, edited by Elisabetta Gnecchi-Ruscone and Anna Paini, published 2017 by ANU Press,
Special Issue, projected March 2015; Latai, "From open fale to mission houses: negotiating the bo... more Special Issue, projected March 2015; Latai, "From open fale to mission houses: negotiating the boundaries of "domesticity" in Samoa" (this volume). 6 Grimshaw, "New England missionary wives, Hawaiian women and the 'cult of true womanhood.'" 7 Latai, "Changing covenants in Samoa"; Latai, "From open fale to mission houses," (this volume). 8 See Latai, "From open fale to mission houses," (this volume); and Latai, "Changing covenants in Samoa"; contra Gailey, Kinship to Kingship (for Tonga). See also Serge Tcherkézoff, "'On cloth, gifts and nudity' regarding some European misunderstandings during early encounters in Polynesia," in Clothing the Pacific, ed. Chloë Colchester, Oxford and New York: Berg, 2003, pp. 51-75; Tcherkézoff, "Culture, nation, society: secondary change and fundamental transformation in Western Samoa: towards a model for the study of cultural dynamics," in The Changing South Pacific: Identities and Transformations, ed. Serge Tcherkézoff and Françoise Douaire-Marsaudon, Canberra:
... banner proclaims the title 'Violence and the Family in Vanuatu' in ... more ... banner proclaims the title 'Violence and the Family in Vanuatu' in the canonical feminist palette of ... Domestic violence was very rare - only one case of 'wife-beating' came to a village court ... buk (the Bible) women are also increas-ingly drawing on a new language of human rights. ...
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