Papers by Lars van Troost
International Spectator, 2015
De naderende post-westerse wereldorde met nieuwe centrale spelers, waaronder de BRICSlanden, vorm... more De naderende post-westerse wereldorde met nieuwe centrale spelers, waaronder de BRICSlanden, vormt een uitdaging voor Europa wat betreft economische en veiligheidsbelangen, maar ook op het gebied van mensenrechten. Europa heeft zichzelf lange tijd als vaandeldrager van de rechtsstaat beschouwd, maar opkomende machten leggen steeds makkelijker Europese kritiek naast zich neer. Ook de drie democratische BRICS-landen Brazilië, India en Zuid-Afrika zijn geen toekomstige internationale mensenrechtenvoorvechters.
narendra-modisspeech-69th-un-general-assembly-full-transcript/. Besides this, India is part of a ... more narendra-modisspeech-69th-un-general-assembly-full-transcript/. Besides this, India is part of a volatile region in which Tibet, Xinjiang, Jammu and Kashmir, Pakistan and Afghanistan are only a few of the powder kegs standing around, and each in close proximity of others. Surely, neighborhood policy in India is of a different kind as in Germany or the European Union, even when taking the Ukrainian crisis into consideration. History, geography and geopolitics play their part in India's current and future foreign policy and in the promotion and protection of human rights, or lack thereof, as part of it. The Shifting Power and Human Rights Diplomacy series focuses on the particular consequences of changing international power dynamics for the global human rights regime. It starts from the assumption that more likely than not the international system for the protection of human rights will be altered as a result of global power shifts, because it is based on certain norms, principles and rules that may differ from the approaches preferred by emerging powers. The present human rights regime is, for instance, governed by legally binding human rights treaties, international norms and principles that are implemented in domestic regimes and institutions, with oversight and monitoring powers vested in (predominantly) UN bodies. This 'rules-oriented' approach towards multilateralism may compete with 'relational' perspectives of emerging powers, which are often said to favor decision-making by consensus, absence of treaty obligations, political commitments and respect for national sovereignty (Keukeleire & Hooijmaaiers 2014). When-and if-the influence and voting weight of emerging powers increases in UN bodies like the Human Rights Council and Security Council, such different principles and norms may transform these international organizations and therewith the international human rights regime. It is highly uncertain whether the rise of new powers and the emergence of new alliances will result in more democratic, participative, progressive or effective global institutions. It may well be that reformed UN bodies will continue to be seen as a tool for the protection of vested interests but then of an enlarged pool of elites. Moreover, if emerging powers will use their global influence to move other states to respect human rights, which is not a given, they may prefer more compromising strategies or push for other rights interpretations and prioritizations than current dominant powers. The latter, moreover, may also revise their human rights strategies when confronted with China and other assertive heavyweights whose economies are increasingly interdependent with their own and competitive in relation to third countries. The Shifting Power and Human Rights Diplomacy series Introduction The fact that human rights can be used as a disguise for other political objectives, hence can be "more part of the problem than the solution"(Kennedy 2002), is another long-recognized challenge for human rights advocates. Merely codifying human rights and strengthening human rights institutions and language is not enough; we also need oversight, accountability and ongoing pressure, persuasion, coercion and support to induce human rights compliance (Risse, Ropp & Sikkink 2013). Still, one needs power to globalize human rights, including state power. It would be wrong 2 Email-correspondence with the editors. 3 Cited from Garims Tiwara (2013), 'Why India continues to stay out of ICC?'
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Papers by Lars van Troost