The SAGE Encyclopedia of Political Behavior, Jun 22, 2017
Since the turn of the new Millennium, the relationships between young people and their states acr... more Since the turn of the new Millennium, the relationships between young people and their states across many advanced liberal democracies has become increasingly fragile and somewhat problematic. In countries such as the US, Canada, Russia, Japan as well as across many European democracies, many young people are turning their backs on democratic institutions. As a
Over the last two decades, social democratic-labour parties (SDLPs) have been confronted by vario... more Over the last two decades, social democratic-labour parties (SDLPs) have been confronted by various challenges which have had a dramatic impact upon their ideological orientation. Not least of which, these include emerging challenger parties, as well as the Neo-Liberal discourse of the New Right. In this paper, we compare the ideological positioning of three parties in Sweden, Germany, and particularly in Great Britain. We conclude that the ideological profile of 'New Labour' now largely mirrors those of other SDLPs. The results are based upon a content analysis of the 1994 (Germany and Sweden) and 1997 (Great Britain) election rhetorics in party manifestos and television debates. The analysis centres on the extent to which the three SDLPs refer to the discourses of Socialism, the Welfare State, Neo-Liberalism, and Ecologism. Since the 1980s neo-liberal ideology has encroached upon virtually all modern welfare states. This has had the effect of undermining support for welfare state-collectivist concerns, reflected in particular in terms of adjustments within the general orientations and programmatic commitments of western social democratic-labour parties (SDLPs). The erosion of traditional leftist-collectivist concerns has occurred at both economic and social levels. At the economic level, we have witnessed a gradual withdrawal of state intervention within the
Journal of Communist Studies and Transition Politics, Sep 1, 1997
Opinion polling occupies a significant role within the political process of most liberal-capitali... more Opinion polling occupies a significant role within the political process of most liberal-capitalist societies, where it is used by governments, parties and the mass media alike. This paper examines the extent to which polls are used for the same purposes in the post-communist countries of Central and Eastern Europe, and in particular, for bringing political elites and citizens together. It argues that these political elites are more concerned with using opinion polls for gaining competitive advantage over their rivals and for reaffirming their political power, than for devolving political power to citizens and improving the general processes of democratization.
Work Based Learning e-Journal International, Dec 1, 2020
This paper addresses three areas. The first is a discussion of the context for doctoral education... more This paper addresses three areas. The first is a discussion of the context for doctoral education and the use of vivas across higher education as the assessment method for doctoral education. The second area is a review of the data on submissions for doctoral examination across a post-92 university. The findings of the paper are based on a review and analysis of data concerning submission for examination and outcomes from viva examination across three colleges across a two-year period. A qualitative analysis of anonymised data was completed from three areas. The third part of the paper addresses the advice and guidance given to candidate in preparation for the viva. This informs the aspiration to increase the postgraduate research community of the university, increase the offer of professional doctorates (PD), and grow the post graduate intake for the Doctoral School.
Politicians and the media claim that young people are apathetic towards politics, and the turnout... more Politicians and the media claim that young people are apathetic towards politics, and the turnout among young voters appears to confirm this. But are young people really not interested in politics — or are they simply disenchanted with aspects of the political process?
Conventional wisdom suggests that young people are becoming increasingly disengaged from politics... more Conventional wisdom suggests that young people are becoming increasingly disengaged from politics and the democratic system (see Wring, Henn and Weinstein, 1999). Current thinking is that this development calls into question the legitimacy of the political system itself, and that this is leading to the rise of a disenchanted and irresponsible youth generation. This is characterised by their apparent "unwillingness to obey the law, to play by the rules, or to pay for the needs of others" (Mulgan and Wilkinson, 1997: 218). A number of predominantly quantitative-based studies have measured this apparent youth disillusionment using such indicators as (declining) party membership, political attitudes, and voting behaviour. In particular, only 39 per cent of 18-24 year olds turned out to vote at the 2001 General Election, compared with 59 per cent of registered voters (MORI, 2001). Like their older contemporaries, young people in Britain appear to be sceptical of the way the British political system is organised and led. This is not a new revelation. Public discontent with politics can be traced back to the 1940s. Data from early Gallup and Mass Observation studies demonstrate the concerns of the British electorate throughout the 1940s and 1950s (Mass Observation, 1948; Cantril, 1951). Discontent with the British political system became a visible phenomenon from the 1970s onwards with the publication of a series of key studies that uncovered a general sense of dissatisfaction with the functioning of democracy in Britain, one that was more pronounced amongst young people (Royal Commission, 1973a; Marsh, 1977). This picture of the general population was supplemented by two studies specifically addressing young people"s attitudes towards politics and government. In comparing young Britons with their American, German and Italian counterparts, Dennis, Lindberg and McCrone (1971) paint a negative picture of young Britons" support for government and political institutions, demonstrating a generally unfavourable sense of national identity and a critical disposition towards Britain"s role in the world. In a similar vein, Hart (1978: 46) uncovered a "lack of basic trust or faith amongst British teenagers" in the functioning of British democracy. The events of the succeeding years have done little to challenge Marsh"s (1977: 115) contention that in general people regard politics as "a remote and unresponsive system run by cynical and aloof politicians". If anything, the growing sense of remoteness and disenchantment with politics has vindicated the authors of the minority report of The Royal Commission of the Constitution (Royal Commission, 1973b) who urged urgent action to address what they perceived to be deep-seated problems with the functioning of British political institutions. Evidence from a number of recent studies suggest that at present there appears to be widespread disillusion with politics and political institutions, with a series of recent indicators suggesting that young people are less engaged than older age cohorts. 1 Drawing on conventional political science indicators, and relying on predominantly quantitative approaches, such studies tend toward a characterisation in which young 1 See the chapter by Weinstein in this collection for an analysis of youth political participation rates.
Over the last two decades, social democratic-labour parties (SDLPs) have been confronted by vario... more Over the last two decades, social democratic-labour parties (SDLPs) have been confronted by various challenges which have had a dramatic impact upon their ideological orientation. Not least of which, these include emerging challenger parties, as well as the Neo-Liberal discourse of the New Right. In this paper, we compare the ideological positioning of three parties in Sweden, Germany, and particularly in Great Britain. We conclude that the ideological profile of ‘New Labour’ now largely mirrors those of other SDLPs. The results are based upon a content analysis of the 1994 (Germany and Sweden) and 1997 (Great Britain) election rhetorics in party manifestos and television debates. The analysis centres on the extent to which the three SDLPs refer to the discourses of Socialism, the Welfare State, Neo-Liberalism, and Ecologism.
Now the dust has settled, how should we account for the surge in youth turnout at the 2017 UK Gen... more Now the dust has settled, how should we account for the surge in youth turnout at the 2017 UK General Election with estimates that 64% of those aged 18-24 cast a vote (Hart and Henn 2017) – representing a significant 21-point increase from the 2015 General Election and a departure from recent patterns of youth abstention? After all, our youth are often decried as apathetic and having no sense of civic responsibility or commitment to social and collective endeavour. So when Theresa May unexpectedly called a snap election on 18 April 2017, such an outcome seemed virtually unthinkable. The Conservative lead over Labour in the pre-election polls appeared unassailable (YouGov 2017), and the 50-day campaign period loomed long, flat and predictable. For many young people, another vote, soon after what they considered a deeply disappointing 2016 Referendum outcome to leave the EU, heralded little more than the prospect of another five years in which their concerns would remain ignored by th...
The 2019 General Election proved to be huge disappointment for many young people, as younger coho... more The 2019 General Election proved to be huge disappointment for many young people, as younger cohorts were again outnumbered and outvoted in a UK election. James Sloam and Matt Henn explain how intergenerational cleavages deepened further in 2019, and how this reflects broader trends towards cosmopolitan values amongst younger citizens.
Opinion polls, power and democracy the comparative context of opinion polling opinion polling and... more Opinion polls, power and democracy the comparative context of opinion polling opinion polling and complex politics the development of opinion polling in capitalist societies - Britain complex politics and opinion polling in late-capitalist societies polling performance in late-capitalist societies opinion polling in Central and Eastern Europe under communism complex politics and opinion polling in post-communist societies methods and issues in polling post-communist societies conclusion appendix - methodology.
With young people much less likely to vote than older generations, it has been proposed the UK fo... more With young people much less likely to vote than older generations, it has been proposed the UK follow other countries such as Belgium and Australia by introducing compulsory voting, with IPPR suggesting only first-time voters should be forced to participate. Matt Henn and Nick Foard consider the merits of this proposal using data from a recent survey of voting intentions, concluding it would risk increasing the disconnect between young people and democracy. This post is part of our series on youth participation. With young people unenthusiastic or resentful about politics, is compulsory voting the answer? Credit: Sueno, CC BY 2.0
Young people support the democratic process, but do not feel that they can exercise real influenc... more Young people support the democratic process, but do not feel that they can exercise real influence over decision-making As part of our series on youth participation, in this post Matt Henn and Nick Foard share findings from survey research into young people's views of politics. They show that young people are supportive of the democratic process and want to participate in. However, the experience of elections is frustrating, with politicians seen as remote and self-serving. They argue for new forms of engagement including youth-focused constituency surgeries and forums.
Over the last two decades, social democratic-labour parties (SDLPs) have been confronted by vario... more Over the last two decades, social democratic-labour parties (SDLPs) have been confronted by various challenges which have had a dramatic impact upon their ideological orientation. Not least of which, these include emerging challenger parties, as well as the Neo-Liberal discourse of the New Right. In this paper, we compare the ideological positioning of three parties in Sweden, Germany, and particularly in Great Britain. We conclude that the ideological profile of 'New Labour' now largely mirrors those of other SDLPs. The results are based upon a content analysis of the 1994 (Germany and Sweden) and 1997 (Great Britain) election rhetorics in party manifestos and television debates. The analysis centres on the extent to which the three SDLPs refer to the discourses of Socialism, the Welfare State, Neo-Liberalism, and Ecologism. Since the 1980s neo-liberal ideology has encroached upon virtually all modern welfare states. This has had the effect of undermining support for welfare state-collectivist concerns, reflected in particular in terms of adjustments within the general orientations and programmatic commitments of western social democratic-labour parties (SDLPs). The erosion of traditional leftist-collectivist concerns has occurred at both economic and social levels. At the economic level, we have witnessed a gradual withdrawal of state intervention within the
Journal of Communist Studies and Transition Politics, 2001
This article examines the role of opinion polls in East European countries, and assesses the impa... more This article examines the role of opinion polls in East European countries, and assesses the impact that they have had on the general processes of political democratisation there since the collapse of communism. Certainly, opinion polls have taken a high-profile role in political affairs in these countries over the course of the last decade. Policy-makers, politicians and political parties made much use of polls in the early years of democratic transition, although for various reasons they were received with significant scepticism by each of these users and by citizens alike. This article compares recent research with earlier studies on the use of polls by political elites in countries seeking to consolidate democracy. From recent in-depth interviews conducted with national politicians in Bulgaria, I draw upon a number of examples to examine the ways in which political parties and elites use opinion polls, and their intentions for doing so. When George Gallup first pioneered the use of opinion polling in the USA, he did so with the intention that it would serve to enhance and extend democratic processes and practices by providing a channel through which citizens could participate in political affairs. 1 He advocated a 'populist' notion of government, in which voters would have a significant input into decisionmaking. He claimed that opinion polls could provide a useful means through which this might be achieved, by objectively measuring the views of voters, and then communicating these to elected 2 representatives. Ultimately, polls would help to increase the efficiency of representative government, by making elites more responsive to public opinion, and by facilitating greater popular participation in the political process. 2 An opposing view can be constructed using Schumpeter's 'competitive elitism' model. 3 This would suggest that opinion polls are used by political elites to centralise, not decentralise political power. In this way, polls would be commissioned by a political party with the express intention of acquiring information to gain competitive advantage over its political rivals. This article explores these issues by investigating the role of opinion polling in East European countries, and assessing the impact that polls have had on the general processes of political democratisation over the course of the last decade, following the collapse of communism. Specifically, it examines how political opinion polls are used by political parties and elected representatives, and how they are perceived by these agents and by citizens generally. The article builds upon previous research, 4 and examines whether there are today any parallels with these early experiences of the use of polls by elected representatives in countries seeking to consolidate democracy. The findings are based upon a series of elite interviews with pollsters and with users of the polls (leading politicians from a variety of political parties) conducted in Bulgaria, December 1998. The purpose of the qualitative interviews is to develop insights into the way that polls impact upon the political process in postcommunist societies. 5 Public Opinion, Opinion Polls and Political Democratisation According to some observers, polls in liberal-capitalist societies do more than provide citizens with knowledge about the political system, about political issues, and about the performance of political leaders. They also enhance the opportunities for citizen influence, and ensure policymakers are sensitive and responsive to the demands of the public. 6 Others have argued that 'public opinion polling thrives in a democratic environment… that it is the handmaiden of modern democracy' 7 where populations are dependent on governmental provision of public services, and where formalised procedures for monitoring public expression and popular feeling are ordinarily restricted to infrequent elections. Underlying this view of the role of opinion polling is an implicit assumption that the nature of political power in liberal-capitalist societies is essentially pluralistic, with significant scope for popular intervention in decision-making. 8 It suggests that the political system in these societies is sufficiently flexible to enable opinion polls to operate as links between the electorate and political representatives, and as mechanisms through which citizens can play a meaningful role in political affairs. In this scenario, polls help to strengthen the general processes of political democratisation.
Journal of Communist Studies and Transition Politics, 1997
Opinion polling occupies a significant role within the political process of most liberal-capitali... more Opinion polling occupies a significant role within the political process of most liberal-capitalist societies, where it is used by governments, parties and the mass media alike. This paper examines the extent to which polls are used for the same purposes in the post-communist countries of Central and Eastern Europe, and in particular, for bringing political elites and citizens together. It argues that these political elites are more concerned with using opinion polls for gaining competitive advantage over their rivals and for reaffirming their political power, than for devolving political power to citizens and improving the general processes of democratization.
The SAGE Encyclopedia of Political Behavior, Jun 22, 2017
Since the turn of the new Millennium, the relationships between young people and their states acr... more Since the turn of the new Millennium, the relationships between young people and their states across many advanced liberal democracies has become increasingly fragile and somewhat problematic. In countries such as the US, Canada, Russia, Japan as well as across many European democracies, many young people are turning their backs on democratic institutions. As a
Over the last two decades, social democratic-labour parties (SDLPs) have been confronted by vario... more Over the last two decades, social democratic-labour parties (SDLPs) have been confronted by various challenges which have had a dramatic impact upon their ideological orientation. Not least of which, these include emerging challenger parties, as well as the Neo-Liberal discourse of the New Right. In this paper, we compare the ideological positioning of three parties in Sweden, Germany, and particularly in Great Britain. We conclude that the ideological profile of 'New Labour' now largely mirrors those of other SDLPs. The results are based upon a content analysis of the 1994 (Germany and Sweden) and 1997 (Great Britain) election rhetorics in party manifestos and television debates. The analysis centres on the extent to which the three SDLPs refer to the discourses of Socialism, the Welfare State, Neo-Liberalism, and Ecologism. Since the 1980s neo-liberal ideology has encroached upon virtually all modern welfare states. This has had the effect of undermining support for welfare state-collectivist concerns, reflected in particular in terms of adjustments within the general orientations and programmatic commitments of western social democratic-labour parties (SDLPs). The erosion of traditional leftist-collectivist concerns has occurred at both economic and social levels. At the economic level, we have witnessed a gradual withdrawal of state intervention within the
Journal of Communist Studies and Transition Politics, Sep 1, 1997
Opinion polling occupies a significant role within the political process of most liberal-capitali... more Opinion polling occupies a significant role within the political process of most liberal-capitalist societies, where it is used by governments, parties and the mass media alike. This paper examines the extent to which polls are used for the same purposes in the post-communist countries of Central and Eastern Europe, and in particular, for bringing political elites and citizens together. It argues that these political elites are more concerned with using opinion polls for gaining competitive advantage over their rivals and for reaffirming their political power, than for devolving political power to citizens and improving the general processes of democratization.
Work Based Learning e-Journal International, Dec 1, 2020
This paper addresses three areas. The first is a discussion of the context for doctoral education... more This paper addresses three areas. The first is a discussion of the context for doctoral education and the use of vivas across higher education as the assessment method for doctoral education. The second area is a review of the data on submissions for doctoral examination across a post-92 university. The findings of the paper are based on a review and analysis of data concerning submission for examination and outcomes from viva examination across three colleges across a two-year period. A qualitative analysis of anonymised data was completed from three areas. The third part of the paper addresses the advice and guidance given to candidate in preparation for the viva. This informs the aspiration to increase the postgraduate research community of the university, increase the offer of professional doctorates (PD), and grow the post graduate intake for the Doctoral School.
Politicians and the media claim that young people are apathetic towards politics, and the turnout... more Politicians and the media claim that young people are apathetic towards politics, and the turnout among young voters appears to confirm this. But are young people really not interested in politics — or are they simply disenchanted with aspects of the political process?
Conventional wisdom suggests that young people are becoming increasingly disengaged from politics... more Conventional wisdom suggests that young people are becoming increasingly disengaged from politics and the democratic system (see Wring, Henn and Weinstein, 1999). Current thinking is that this development calls into question the legitimacy of the political system itself, and that this is leading to the rise of a disenchanted and irresponsible youth generation. This is characterised by their apparent "unwillingness to obey the law, to play by the rules, or to pay for the needs of others" (Mulgan and Wilkinson, 1997: 218). A number of predominantly quantitative-based studies have measured this apparent youth disillusionment using such indicators as (declining) party membership, political attitudes, and voting behaviour. In particular, only 39 per cent of 18-24 year olds turned out to vote at the 2001 General Election, compared with 59 per cent of registered voters (MORI, 2001). Like their older contemporaries, young people in Britain appear to be sceptical of the way the British political system is organised and led. This is not a new revelation. Public discontent with politics can be traced back to the 1940s. Data from early Gallup and Mass Observation studies demonstrate the concerns of the British electorate throughout the 1940s and 1950s (Mass Observation, 1948; Cantril, 1951). Discontent with the British political system became a visible phenomenon from the 1970s onwards with the publication of a series of key studies that uncovered a general sense of dissatisfaction with the functioning of democracy in Britain, one that was more pronounced amongst young people (Royal Commission, 1973a; Marsh, 1977). This picture of the general population was supplemented by two studies specifically addressing young people"s attitudes towards politics and government. In comparing young Britons with their American, German and Italian counterparts, Dennis, Lindberg and McCrone (1971) paint a negative picture of young Britons" support for government and political institutions, demonstrating a generally unfavourable sense of national identity and a critical disposition towards Britain"s role in the world. In a similar vein, Hart (1978: 46) uncovered a "lack of basic trust or faith amongst British teenagers" in the functioning of British democracy. The events of the succeeding years have done little to challenge Marsh"s (1977: 115) contention that in general people regard politics as "a remote and unresponsive system run by cynical and aloof politicians". If anything, the growing sense of remoteness and disenchantment with politics has vindicated the authors of the minority report of The Royal Commission of the Constitution (Royal Commission, 1973b) who urged urgent action to address what they perceived to be deep-seated problems with the functioning of British political institutions. Evidence from a number of recent studies suggest that at present there appears to be widespread disillusion with politics and political institutions, with a series of recent indicators suggesting that young people are less engaged than older age cohorts. 1 Drawing on conventional political science indicators, and relying on predominantly quantitative approaches, such studies tend toward a characterisation in which young 1 See the chapter by Weinstein in this collection for an analysis of youth political participation rates.
Over the last two decades, social democratic-labour parties (SDLPs) have been confronted by vario... more Over the last two decades, social democratic-labour parties (SDLPs) have been confronted by various challenges which have had a dramatic impact upon their ideological orientation. Not least of which, these include emerging challenger parties, as well as the Neo-Liberal discourse of the New Right. In this paper, we compare the ideological positioning of three parties in Sweden, Germany, and particularly in Great Britain. We conclude that the ideological profile of ‘New Labour’ now largely mirrors those of other SDLPs. The results are based upon a content analysis of the 1994 (Germany and Sweden) and 1997 (Great Britain) election rhetorics in party manifestos and television debates. The analysis centres on the extent to which the three SDLPs refer to the discourses of Socialism, the Welfare State, Neo-Liberalism, and Ecologism.
Now the dust has settled, how should we account for the surge in youth turnout at the 2017 UK Gen... more Now the dust has settled, how should we account for the surge in youth turnout at the 2017 UK General Election with estimates that 64% of those aged 18-24 cast a vote (Hart and Henn 2017) – representing a significant 21-point increase from the 2015 General Election and a departure from recent patterns of youth abstention? After all, our youth are often decried as apathetic and having no sense of civic responsibility or commitment to social and collective endeavour. So when Theresa May unexpectedly called a snap election on 18 April 2017, such an outcome seemed virtually unthinkable. The Conservative lead over Labour in the pre-election polls appeared unassailable (YouGov 2017), and the 50-day campaign period loomed long, flat and predictable. For many young people, another vote, soon after what they considered a deeply disappointing 2016 Referendum outcome to leave the EU, heralded little more than the prospect of another five years in which their concerns would remain ignored by th...
The 2019 General Election proved to be huge disappointment for many young people, as younger coho... more The 2019 General Election proved to be huge disappointment for many young people, as younger cohorts were again outnumbered and outvoted in a UK election. James Sloam and Matt Henn explain how intergenerational cleavages deepened further in 2019, and how this reflects broader trends towards cosmopolitan values amongst younger citizens.
Opinion polls, power and democracy the comparative context of opinion polling opinion polling and... more Opinion polls, power and democracy the comparative context of opinion polling opinion polling and complex politics the development of opinion polling in capitalist societies - Britain complex politics and opinion polling in late-capitalist societies polling performance in late-capitalist societies opinion polling in Central and Eastern Europe under communism complex politics and opinion polling in post-communist societies methods and issues in polling post-communist societies conclusion appendix - methodology.
With young people much less likely to vote than older generations, it has been proposed the UK fo... more With young people much less likely to vote than older generations, it has been proposed the UK follow other countries such as Belgium and Australia by introducing compulsory voting, with IPPR suggesting only first-time voters should be forced to participate. Matt Henn and Nick Foard consider the merits of this proposal using data from a recent survey of voting intentions, concluding it would risk increasing the disconnect between young people and democracy. This post is part of our series on youth participation. With young people unenthusiastic or resentful about politics, is compulsory voting the answer? Credit: Sueno, CC BY 2.0
Young people support the democratic process, but do not feel that they can exercise real influenc... more Young people support the democratic process, but do not feel that they can exercise real influence over decision-making As part of our series on youth participation, in this post Matt Henn and Nick Foard share findings from survey research into young people's views of politics. They show that young people are supportive of the democratic process and want to participate in. However, the experience of elections is frustrating, with politicians seen as remote and self-serving. They argue for new forms of engagement including youth-focused constituency surgeries and forums.
Over the last two decades, social democratic-labour parties (SDLPs) have been confronted by vario... more Over the last two decades, social democratic-labour parties (SDLPs) have been confronted by various challenges which have had a dramatic impact upon their ideological orientation. Not least of which, these include emerging challenger parties, as well as the Neo-Liberal discourse of the New Right. In this paper, we compare the ideological positioning of three parties in Sweden, Germany, and particularly in Great Britain. We conclude that the ideological profile of 'New Labour' now largely mirrors those of other SDLPs. The results are based upon a content analysis of the 1994 (Germany and Sweden) and 1997 (Great Britain) election rhetorics in party manifestos and television debates. The analysis centres on the extent to which the three SDLPs refer to the discourses of Socialism, the Welfare State, Neo-Liberalism, and Ecologism. Since the 1980s neo-liberal ideology has encroached upon virtually all modern welfare states. This has had the effect of undermining support for welfare state-collectivist concerns, reflected in particular in terms of adjustments within the general orientations and programmatic commitments of western social democratic-labour parties (SDLPs). The erosion of traditional leftist-collectivist concerns has occurred at both economic and social levels. At the economic level, we have witnessed a gradual withdrawal of state intervention within the
Journal of Communist Studies and Transition Politics, 2001
This article examines the role of opinion polls in East European countries, and assesses the impa... more This article examines the role of opinion polls in East European countries, and assesses the impact that they have had on the general processes of political democratisation there since the collapse of communism. Certainly, opinion polls have taken a high-profile role in political affairs in these countries over the course of the last decade. Policy-makers, politicians and political parties made much use of polls in the early years of democratic transition, although for various reasons they were received with significant scepticism by each of these users and by citizens alike. This article compares recent research with earlier studies on the use of polls by political elites in countries seeking to consolidate democracy. From recent in-depth interviews conducted with national politicians in Bulgaria, I draw upon a number of examples to examine the ways in which political parties and elites use opinion polls, and their intentions for doing so. When George Gallup first pioneered the use of opinion polling in the USA, he did so with the intention that it would serve to enhance and extend democratic processes and practices by providing a channel through which citizens could participate in political affairs. 1 He advocated a 'populist' notion of government, in which voters would have a significant input into decisionmaking. He claimed that opinion polls could provide a useful means through which this might be achieved, by objectively measuring the views of voters, and then communicating these to elected 2 representatives. Ultimately, polls would help to increase the efficiency of representative government, by making elites more responsive to public opinion, and by facilitating greater popular participation in the political process. 2 An opposing view can be constructed using Schumpeter's 'competitive elitism' model. 3 This would suggest that opinion polls are used by political elites to centralise, not decentralise political power. In this way, polls would be commissioned by a political party with the express intention of acquiring information to gain competitive advantage over its political rivals. This article explores these issues by investigating the role of opinion polling in East European countries, and assessing the impact that polls have had on the general processes of political democratisation over the course of the last decade, following the collapse of communism. Specifically, it examines how political opinion polls are used by political parties and elected representatives, and how they are perceived by these agents and by citizens generally. The article builds upon previous research, 4 and examines whether there are today any parallels with these early experiences of the use of polls by elected representatives in countries seeking to consolidate democracy. The findings are based upon a series of elite interviews with pollsters and with users of the polls (leading politicians from a variety of political parties) conducted in Bulgaria, December 1998. The purpose of the qualitative interviews is to develop insights into the way that polls impact upon the political process in postcommunist societies. 5 Public Opinion, Opinion Polls and Political Democratisation According to some observers, polls in liberal-capitalist societies do more than provide citizens with knowledge about the political system, about political issues, and about the performance of political leaders. They also enhance the opportunities for citizen influence, and ensure policymakers are sensitive and responsive to the demands of the public. 6 Others have argued that 'public opinion polling thrives in a democratic environment… that it is the handmaiden of modern democracy' 7 where populations are dependent on governmental provision of public services, and where formalised procedures for monitoring public expression and popular feeling are ordinarily restricted to infrequent elections. Underlying this view of the role of opinion polling is an implicit assumption that the nature of political power in liberal-capitalist societies is essentially pluralistic, with significant scope for popular intervention in decision-making. 8 It suggests that the political system in these societies is sufficiently flexible to enable opinion polls to operate as links between the electorate and political representatives, and as mechanisms through which citizens can play a meaningful role in political affairs. In this scenario, polls help to strengthen the general processes of political democratisation.
Journal of Communist Studies and Transition Politics, 1997
Opinion polling occupies a significant role within the political process of most liberal-capitali... more Opinion polling occupies a significant role within the political process of most liberal-capitalist societies, where it is used by governments, parties and the mass media alike. This paper examines the extent to which polls are used for the same purposes in the post-communist countries of Central and Eastern Europe, and in particular, for bringing political elites and citizens together. It argues that these political elites are more concerned with using opinion polls for gaining competitive advantage over their rivals and for reaffirming their political power, than for devolving political power to citizens and improving the general processes of democratization.
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