Hasim Turker
Dr. Hasim Turker, born in 1976 in Antalya, Türkiye, boasts a prolific career in both military service and academia. A graduate of the Turkish Naval Academy in 1998, Dr. Turker dedicated 19 years to the Turkish Navy, culminating his naval tenure as the commander of TCG Giresun, a guided missile O.H. Perry-class frigate, from 2014 to 2016. In 2017, he retired at the rank of commander.Concurrent to his naval service, Dr. Turker demonstrated a strong commitment to furthering his education. He obtained an MA in International Relations from the National Defense University ATASAREN in 2005, followed by a second MA in National and International Security Strategies Management and Leadership from the Turkish Naval War College in 2008. A decade later, he earned his PhD from Kocaeli University in 2018.Graduating from the prestigious NATO Defense College program in 2011 marked a significant achievement in his educational career, further strengthening his strategic prowess in defense and security.Shifting to academia post-retirement, Dr. Turker held the position of Academic Coordinator and Senior Researcher at the Bosphorus Center for Asian Studies, an independent Ankara-based think-tank, from 2019 to 2021. Currently, he shares his wealth of knowledge as a Lecturer at Üsküdar University in Istanbul, Türkiye.As an accomplished author, Dr. Turker has two notable publications in Turkish: ‘European Security and Defense Policy’ (Nobel Publications, 2007) and ‘Towards a New Cold War: Rising China, The United States, and NATO’ (Cinius Publications, 2019).
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Papers by Hasim Turker
The resurgence of power politics challenges the prevailing belief that it had diminished in the post-Cold War era. Territorial disputes and the pursuit of national interests by major powers such as Russia and China highlight the enduring relevance of realism. China's rapid rise as a global power echoes the emergence of the United States as a superpower in the past. Meanwhile, the United States faces challenges as its economic and technological superiority wanes, with China posing a significant threat to its leadership. In conclusion, the current global landscape, similar to Carr's "Twenty Years' Crisis," demands a holistic approach to understanding and addressing the complexities of our time.
Conference Presentations by Hasim Turker
Diğer taraftan bakıldığında, Güney Kafkasya olarak tanımlanan bölgedeki devletler arasında ve her bir devletin içindeki anlaşmazlıklar ve çatışmalar nedeniyle bölgeden bir bütün olarak söz etmek güçleşmektedir.
Dünya üzerinde etkinliği her geçen gün artan AB, uluslararası hukuk, insan hakları, eşitlik ve çok taraflılık ilkelerini ön plana çıkarması sayesinde birçok devlet tarafından saygı duyulan ve güvenilen bir örgüttür. Uluslararası hukuku ön plana çıkarması, AB’nin faaliyetlerine meşruiyet kazandırmaktadır. Bu durum AB’nin anlaşmazlıkların çözülmesi hususunda her geçen gün daha fazla tercih edilen bir örgüt hâline gelmesini sağlamaktadır. Ancak bugün, AB’nin sorunlara çözüm bulmada kullanabileceği araçlar daha ziyade iktisadidir.
Bugün Gine Körfezi’ndeki tehdit Somali açıklarında geçen yıllarda yaşanan tehditten nitelik olarak farklılık göstermektedir. Bu nedenle, tehditle mücadelede de askeri güçler Somali örneğinde olduğu gibi pek de ön planda değildir.
Afrika’nın batısında ve özellikle Gine Körfezi’nde gerçekleşen deniz haydutluğu ve denizde silahlı soygun faaliyetlerini üç temel kategoride değerlendirmek mümkündür. Bunlardan ilki düşük düzeydeki soygun faaliyetleridir. Đkinci kategori, petrol ve hidrokarbonların çalınmasıdır. Üçüncü kategori ise denizde haydutluk faaliyetleridir.
Şurası açıktır ki Batı Afrika’daki deniz haydutluğuna uluslararası toplumun ilgisi bugün için Somali açıklarındaki deniz haydutluğu tehdidine yönelik alınan tedbirlerden oldukça uzak bir noktadadır. Bununla birlikte Birleşmiş Milletler, Uluslararası Denizcilik Örgütü gibi küresel örgütler, Afrika Birliği, GGC, MOWCA, ECOWAS, ECCAS gibi bölgesel örgütler, Nijerya ve Avrupa Birliği’nin bölgeye ilgisi bulunmaktadır ve bunlardan bazılarının bölgeye yönelik bir takım inisiyatifleri hayata geçirdikleri de görünmektedir.
Books by Hasim Turker
Akdeniz’in okyanuslara açılmasını sağlayan iki tıkanma noktası bulunmaktadır: Cebelitarık Boğazı ve Süveyş Kanalı. Bu çalışmada, Cebelitarık Boğazı ile Süveyş Kanalı’nın kontrolünde önemli bir yer tutan Filistin’deki sorunların Akdeniz güvenliğine etkileri incelenecektir.
The resurgence of power politics challenges the prevailing belief that it had diminished in the post-Cold War era. Territorial disputes and the pursuit of national interests by major powers such as Russia and China highlight the enduring relevance of realism. China's rapid rise as a global power echoes the emergence of the United States as a superpower in the past. Meanwhile, the United States faces challenges as its economic and technological superiority wanes, with China posing a significant threat to its leadership. In conclusion, the current global landscape, similar to Carr's "Twenty Years' Crisis," demands a holistic approach to understanding and addressing the complexities of our time.
Diğer taraftan bakıldığında, Güney Kafkasya olarak tanımlanan bölgedeki devletler arasında ve her bir devletin içindeki anlaşmazlıklar ve çatışmalar nedeniyle bölgeden bir bütün olarak söz etmek güçleşmektedir.
Dünya üzerinde etkinliği her geçen gün artan AB, uluslararası hukuk, insan hakları, eşitlik ve çok taraflılık ilkelerini ön plana çıkarması sayesinde birçok devlet tarafından saygı duyulan ve güvenilen bir örgüttür. Uluslararası hukuku ön plana çıkarması, AB’nin faaliyetlerine meşruiyet kazandırmaktadır. Bu durum AB’nin anlaşmazlıkların çözülmesi hususunda her geçen gün daha fazla tercih edilen bir örgüt hâline gelmesini sağlamaktadır. Ancak bugün, AB’nin sorunlara çözüm bulmada kullanabileceği araçlar daha ziyade iktisadidir.
Bugün Gine Körfezi’ndeki tehdit Somali açıklarında geçen yıllarda yaşanan tehditten nitelik olarak farklılık göstermektedir. Bu nedenle, tehditle mücadelede de askeri güçler Somali örneğinde olduğu gibi pek de ön planda değildir.
Afrika’nın batısında ve özellikle Gine Körfezi’nde gerçekleşen deniz haydutluğu ve denizde silahlı soygun faaliyetlerini üç temel kategoride değerlendirmek mümkündür. Bunlardan ilki düşük düzeydeki soygun faaliyetleridir. Đkinci kategori, petrol ve hidrokarbonların çalınmasıdır. Üçüncü kategori ise denizde haydutluk faaliyetleridir.
Şurası açıktır ki Batı Afrika’daki deniz haydutluğuna uluslararası toplumun ilgisi bugün için Somali açıklarındaki deniz haydutluğu tehdidine yönelik alınan tedbirlerden oldukça uzak bir noktadadır. Bununla birlikte Birleşmiş Milletler, Uluslararası Denizcilik Örgütü gibi küresel örgütler, Afrika Birliği, GGC, MOWCA, ECOWAS, ECCAS gibi bölgesel örgütler, Nijerya ve Avrupa Birliği’nin bölgeye ilgisi bulunmaktadır ve bunlardan bazılarının bölgeye yönelik bir takım inisiyatifleri hayata geçirdikleri de görünmektedir.
Akdeniz’in okyanuslara açılmasını sağlayan iki tıkanma noktası bulunmaktadır: Cebelitarık Boğazı ve Süveyş Kanalı. Bu çalışmada, Cebelitarık Boğazı ile Süveyş Kanalı’nın kontrolünde önemli bir yer tutan Filistin’deki sorunların Akdeniz güvenliğine etkileri incelenecektir.
✅ India's growing diplomatic prowess
✅ The future of multilateral organizations
✅ The unofficially termed "New Spice Road" initiative
✅ The African Union's landmark inclusion as a standing G20 member
The summit serves as a microcosm of broader global trends, offering fertile ground for scholarly inquiry and practical policy considerations.
Key Highlights:
Evolving role of BRICS
Implications for global power dynamics
With over one-third of global maritime traffic, 12% of the world's fish catch, and significant untapped oil and gas reserves, the South China Sea's importance to the global economy cannot be overstated. Its strategic significance, coupled with competing territorial claims and geopolitical dynamics, makes it a central stage for international relations.
From historical complexities to contemporary challenges, I dissect the factors that contribute to tensions in the region and propose mechanisms for conflict avoidance and regional collaboration.
Leap forward to today, and the reverberations of the Cold War seem to echo once more. Yet the geopolitical environment has experienced substantial shifts since the Soviet Union’s dissolution. We currently reside in a multipolar world where authority is distributed among several key players, including but not limited to the United States, China, Russia, and a consortium of European powers.
This agreement was not merely a testament to the efficacy of diplomatic negotiations, but also a crucial intervention in the global food market, which had been severely impacted by the ongoing conflict. By ensuring the export of grain and fertilizers, the agreement offered a potential solution to the escalating food insecurity crisis, exacerbated by the persistent hostilities.
However, this diplomatic triumph was ephemeral. In 2023, the Russian Federation unilaterally decided to terminate the agreement. This abrupt cessation of the Black Sea grain deal had far-reaching implications that extended beyond the immediate geographical confines of Ukraine and Russia. The termination of the agreement disrupted the precarious equilibrium that had been established and had a profound impact on the global food market. The reverberations of this decision continue to be felt, underscoring the intricate and complex interplay between geopolitics and global food security.
The communiqué, detailed in its exposition of pivotal policy directions and strategic initiatives, encapsulates the collective vision of NATO members. Owing to its depth and breadth, this essay will focus on the salient points that underscore a significant shift in NATO’s role and strategic posture.
The document signals the advent of a New Cold War, indicative of a shift in global power dynamics with NATO positioning itself against strategic competitors, notably Russia and China. Additionally, it broadens the traditional concept of security to incorporate the global commons, including oceans, space, technology, and cyberspace.
Released on July 11, 2023, the Vilnius Summit Communiqué heralds a new epoch in international politics. This era, while echoing past rivalries, is shaped by contemporary realities. The subsequent analysis dissects the communiqué’s main points and their implications for this emerging New Cold War.
At this point, NATO stands at a crossroads. The Vilnius Summit, set for July 11-12, 2023, signifies an important landmark in the alliance’s journey. This summit isn’t merely a routine gathering; it serves as a strategic forum where the future direction of NATO will be discussed and possibly determined. The agenda is layered and diverse, embodying the numerous challenges the alliance presently confronts.
The ongoing unrest in Ukraine, a grim echo of the continuous menace from Russia, is a crucial issue requiring immediate resolution. At the same time, the growing clout of China, identified as a systemic rival in NATO’s 2022 Strategic Concept, poses a long-term challenge that the alliance needs to tactfully address. The potential admittance of Sweden into NATO’s ranks, currently obstructed by Türkiye and Hungary, introduces an additional intricacy to the alliance’s internal relationships. Additionally, the strengthening partnership with the European Union, a vital collaborator in managing regional security, highlights the necessity for efficient multilateral cooperation in today’s interlinked world.
NATO’s interest in China has become increasingly evident over the past five years. The Alliance has made remarkable progress in improving bilateral relations with countries in the Asia-Pacific region. A recent significant development is NATO’s plan to open a liaison office in Japan. This move undoubtedly signals NATO’s intention to increase its presence and engagement in the region. My earlier assessment, although considered unlikely at the time, has been vindicated by NATO’s actions, confirming the prescience presented in my book.
In fact, there was another such document, published by the US Department of State in November 2019: “A Free and Open Indo-Pacific: Advancing a Shared Vision.”
Naturally, there are many common points between the two documents. For example, it is clear from both that the two most important US partners in the Indo-Pacific region are Japan and India. It is also clearly stated that ASEAN has a central role in terms of the regional goals of the United States. In the latter document, China is not mentioned much, and North Korea is mentioned only in reference to the cyber threat it poses.
Negotiations for the agreement took nearly seven years, and there were intense discussions between the EU Commission and top Chinese officials throughout 2020. In the last days of the year, a decision was made to go ahead with the agreement. Germany’s Chancellor Angela Merkel, acting as EU term president, and Chinese President Xi reportedly pressed to close the agreement. But there is an important nuance here: the agreement has not been actually been signed yet, as the negotiations took place via video conferencing. And for the agreement to come into force, ratification by all EU member states as well as the consent of the EU Parliament is necessary.
Among the global commons, we can highlight the oceans as primus inter pares. As of the end of 2020, the United States has issued two important documents on the oceans and naval power: U.S. naval strategy titled “Advantage at Sea“, and a report by Congressional Research Service on China Naval Modernization.