Papers by Frederick McGinness
Journal of Interdisciplinary History, 1995
Renaissance and Reformation, Aug 26, 2011
A study of the papacy or the Holy See (the episcopal office of the bishop of Rome) between the ye... more A study of the papacy or the Holy See (the episcopal office of the bishop of Rome) between the years 1350 and 1650 must take into account the long history of the papacy, which extends back to the early centuries of the Common Era and continues to the present day. In this long stretch were laid, often haphazardly, the foundations of papal authority, the claims of the popes as spiritual leaders of the Western church, and the development of the complex administrative machinery centered on Rome to govern the institutional church. A study of the papacy must look as well at the continuous involvement of popes in the major religious, political, economic, and cultural movements in Europe and the East. In these centuries papal government and assertions of authority and influence extended into virtually every aspect of European life and thought. Scholars generally place the beginnings of the Renaissance papacy at Rome around 1421, when Odo Colonna, Pope Martin V, returned to his native city after the papal residence at Avignon (1309–1378), the resolution of the Western Schism, the dampening of the conciliarist crisis after the Council of Ferrara-Florence (1438–1445), and the reassertion of papal sovereignty and political power over the city of Rome and the Papal States. With the fall of Constantinople to the Ottoman Turks (1453) and the “loss” of the Eastern church, the papacy in the later 15th century assumed greater prominence as a princely power and as spiritual leader of Christians at a time of increasing peril to Christian Europe, and by this time most of the elements of the papacy as we know it today were set. The Renaissance at Rome is seen as waning after Martin Luther’s challenge to papal authority, the Reformation in northern Europe, and the devastating sack of Rome (1527) at the hands of the army of the Holy Roman Emperor. Only after the Council of Trent (1545–1563) and a series of zealous, reform-minded popes did the papacy appear to regain prestige and authority. By the 17th century the papacy’s spiritual and temporal authority and eminence were again acknowledged throughout the Catholic lands of Europe, and the institution played a major hand in the contest of empires throughout the Thirty Years’ War (1618–1648) and in the New World. At the war’s close, however, with the Peace of Westphalia (1648) and the Peace of the Pyrenees (1659), the pope’s role as a major player in the politics of Europe was largely exhausted.
Catholic Historical Review, 1999
Cesare Mozzarelli, editor of this useful edition of the Venetian Cardinal Giovanni Francesco Comm... more Cesare Mozzarelli, editor of this useful edition of the Venetian Cardinal Giovanni Francesco Commendone 's (1 5241 584) Discourse on the Roman Curia, argues that the author was just thirty years old and had been in Rome only four years when he completed his work. He places the work in 1554, during the pontificate of Julius III (1550-1555). This dating is significant and has merit. Commendone mentions he is in his fourth year at the court and has little experience to answer the questions of his interrogator; his language and references also fit the period prior to the conclusion of the Council of Trent. Commendone, in fact, makes no mention of the Council, which by this time would already have completed its second period at Trent (1551-52). He speaks somewhat prospectively of the Inquisition as a major undertaking, proposes ideas on church reforms, and makes many allusions to the problems Christian princes create for the Christian republic, though (prudently) giving no references to any prince or nation in particular. Commendone's work, then, is not that of the seasoned courtier he would later be when he exercised significant influence on post-Tridentine ecclesiastical policy, reform, and administration. This inexperience, however, is offset by Commendone's keen psychology and frankness in depicting the kinds ofpersonalities at court, as well as giving sage advice for the courtier's advancement (and certainly his own) through the harsh realities, dangers, and opportunities of a highly complex society of patronage, honors, and riches.
Church History, Dec 1, 2020
The Sixteenth century journal, Jul 1, 2003
Catholic Historical Review, 1998
Catholic Historical Review, 2015
In this erudite and fascinating study, Stefania Tutino breaks open the contemporary hermeneutical... more In this erudite and fascinating study, Stefania Tutino breaks open the contemporary hermeneutical and epistemological anxieties over the power of language to communicate truth both human and divine. The seeds of this anxiety, Tutino implies, are embedded in human nature itself and in the origins of language. But Steven Toulmin raised the stakes by convincingly arguing in his Cosmopolis (1990)-as Susan Schreiner astutely renders him: "The story of modernity as an 'onward march of human rationality,' is distorted since it 'hides ambiguities and confusions'" (Are You Alone Wise? The Search for Certainty in the Early Modern Era [New York: Oxford University, 2011], 7). Tutino dedicates her study to her hometown of Divieto, Sicily, where, she says, "We told stor[ies] per passarci il tempo," a Sicilian turn of phrase that means not only to pass the time but also to surpass it. In other words, telling stories was a way to discover in the ambiguity, confusions, and ineffableness of human living a truth that "saves" or validates humanity's power to know transcendent realities. History is, in a sense, a succession of stories per passarci il tempo.
Catholic Historical Review, 2002
Catholic Historical Review, 2014
"unfortunate necessity" (38, 39). In other words, Devji contends that the precursor to the Muslim... more "unfortunate necessity" (38, 39). In other words, Devji contends that the precursor to the Muslim state should not be sought in the European history of nationalism with its mystical belonging to the land but rather in the European Enlightenment and its fantasy of creating a state by purely rational means. This sole focus on ideas explains why the author draws parallels between Jinnah and Theodor Herzl, the secular visionaries of states. Though both men are revered as the founding fathers of nations, Herzl, unlike Jinnah, did not live to see the creation of the Jewish state. Devji's analysis challenges narratives of exceptionality about each country but puts too much emphasis on the universalist aspect of Zion, which does not do justice to its particularist discourse about land, peoplehood, history, destiny, and survival.
Oxford Bibliographies Online Datasets, May 28, 2013
Living in Christ Series Document #: TX002946 The Council of Trent Decades earlier [before the Cou... more Living in Christ Series Document #: TX002946 The Council of Trent Decades earlier [before the Council of Trent], Luther and other reformers had called for a council to deal with the serious issues facing the Church. By the time the Council of Trent was convened in 1545, Luther had long gone his own way and the council that resulted was not going to bring about the sweeping changes in doctrine that he wanted. Nonetheless, this Council was a huge event. The bishops gathered there may not have made the changes that Luther and other reformers wanted, but they did give the clearest and most precise statements to date about many Catholic doctrines. This was work enough in itself, but the biggest success of the Council lay in its complete overhaul of the way the Church was organized and run. The Council met in three stages over the period 1545-1563. So why did it take almost 20 years for the Council to do its work? On the one hand, the bishops had too many things to deal with; on the other, wars were being fought over the very issues they were discussing, which meant that the Council had to disband at times to avoid danger. We can break down the Council's work into three main categories: the authority of Scripture and Tradition, issues related to doctrines and sacraments, and organizational reforms.
Renaissance Quarterly, 2015
Theological Studies, Sep 1, 1998
help the reader, the former by making the text on the whole less appealing to the nonspecialist, ... more help the reader, the former by making the text on the whole less appealing to the nonspecialist, the latter by being unsuccessful as mnemonics in places that matter. By all means read this book, because its message about rediscovering the Church's theological past and reapplying it within modern discourse is very worthwhile. Medievalists will even nod sagely when B. concludes that, in places, the medieval thinker showed greater mental agility and more terminological precision than his modern counterparts. But the patience this book asks of its readers will not be adequately repaid for all.
Renaissance Quarterly, 2007
The Sixteenth century journal, 1980
... A Bio-Bibliographical Study," The Franciscan Educational Conference, 9 (1927), 242-587; ... more ... A Bio-Bibliographical Study," The Franciscan Educational Conference, 9 (1927), 242-587; Arsenio d'Ascoli, La predicazione dei Capuccini nel Cinquecento in Italia (Loreto: Libreria "S. Francesco d'Assisi," 1956); Joseph M. Connors, "Saint Charles Borromeo in Homiletic ...
Renaissance Quarterly, 2019
begs posterity to pardon his apparent indolence, for which he is not to blame, and implores his b... more begs posterity to pardon his apparent indolence, for which he is not to blame, and implores his beloved Cassandra Marchese to attend to his funeral rites and not to despair. It is comforting to know that the study of Renaissance Latin literature continues to flourish in Italy in such scholarly enterprises as the Biblioteca della tradizione classica.
The Journal of Modern History, Dec 1, 1999
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Papers by Frederick McGinness