Papers by Franco Ferlaino
Amantea is an little Italian town, on the coast of the Tyrrhenian Sea, in Calabria. In it, four c... more Amantea is an little Italian town, on the coast of the Tyrrhenian Sea, in Calabria. In it, four confraternities play an important role in re-establishing social space and collective identity. These, in fact, have plunged into a critical state following the rise of the “country two”, in the coastal plain: the modern town of Amantea Marina. The birth of the new housing settlement has foreshadowed and feared irreversible changes: the disintegration of the consolidated social order, the dispersion of the pre-existing intangible cultural heritage, the upheaval of collective identity and relational empathy built in “country one” (the old town built on the adjacent rock). The transfer of many citizens from “country one” to “country two” has caused both settlements to experience the distressing trauma of separation. The confraternities, in particular that of the “sailors” (or of Our Lady of the Rosary), have tried to overcome the anguish of separation and the otherness with which the inhabitants of the two inhabited centres have perceived each other. They have helped to reshape the ritual morphology of the “varette” procession which takes place on Good Friday and which represents the liturgical fulcrum of the community.
Every change, however, is the result of aggregative tensions that are little more than unconscious, of ideological conflicts, personal and group antagonisms. Thus, the close confrontation between the protagonists of the rituals and the social groups of the community has allowed to experiment and reinterpret some ritual codes. Many aesthetic formalisms have fallen and the processional performance has been remodelled; the procession of the “varettes”, while remaining focused on the themes of life, pain and death, has taken on distinct connotations and meanings by age group. One of the last, most bitter and significant conflicts occurred in 1963 and is configured as a watershed between past and present. In that year, the bishop's curia overturned an ancient custom exercised in memory of man: it abolished the patronymic distribution of parishes and imposed the territorial distribution, decreing the boundaries on the map. The confraternities reacted animatedly and the bishop was even beaten. The previous distribution, on a patronymic basis, on the occasion of each church liturgy, allowed the faithful with the same surname (scattered throughout the town) to find themselves with their families and relatives in the same parish church. In addition, the confraternities extended the processional itinerary to the new settlement, starting a sort of pilgrimage of penance and pacification with which to create symbols and occasions suitable for sewing up the social and urban texture and rediscovering the lost unity. The procession, therefore, is more than a simple religious liturgy that reinterprets some passages of the Gospel narrative; it is a social event, central and decisive for the becoming of each individual, each group and the whole community. In fact, through the procession, the community reorders the collective sense of life, updates the mental map of the physiognomic changes of people, of the urban transformations and more generally of the habitat and the place.
The santarielli (“little saints”) of Good Friday of Amantea Rite of Re-Foundation of Space and Popular Identity , 2021
Amantea is an little Italian town, on the coast of the Tyrrhenian Sea, in Calabria. In it, four c... more Amantea is an little Italian town, on the coast of the Tyrrhenian Sea, in Calabria. In it, four confraternities play an important role in re-establishing social space and collective identity. These, in fact, have plunged into a critical state following the rise of the “country two”, in the coastal plain: the modern town of Amantea Marina. The birth of the new housing settlement has foreshadowed and feared irreversible changes: the disintegration of the consolidated social order, the dispersion of the pre-existing intangible cultural heritage, the upheaval of collective identity and relational empathy built in “country one” (the old town built on the adjacent rock). The transfer of many citizens from “country one” to “country two” has caused both settlements to experience the distressing trauma of separation. The confraternities, in particular that of the “sailors” (or of Our Lady of the Rosary), have tried to overcome the anguish of separation and the otherness with which the inhabitants of the two inhabited centres have perceived each other. They have helped to reshape the ritual morphology of the “varette” procession which takes place on Good Friday and which represents the liturgical fulcrum of the community.
Every change, however, is the result of aggregative tensions that are little more than unconscious, of ideological conflicts, personal and group antagonisms. Thus, the close confrontation between the protagonists of the rituals and the social groups of the community has allowed to experiment and reinterpret some ritual codes. Many aesthetic formalisms have fallen and the processional performance has been remodelled; the procession of the “varettes”, while remaining focused on the themes of life, pain and death, has taken on distinct connotations and meanings by age group. One of the last, most bitter and significant conflicts occurred in 1963 and is configured as a watershed between past and present. In that year, the bishop's curia overturned an ancient custom exercised in memory of man: it abolished the patronymic distribution of parishes and imposed the territorial distribution, decreing the boundaries on the map. The confraternities reacted animatedly and the bishop was even beaten. The previous distribution, on a patronymic basis, on the occasion of each church liturgy, allowed the faithful with the same surname (scattered throughout the town) to find themselves with their families and relatives in the same parish church. In addition, the confraternities extended the processional itinerary to the new settlement, starting a sort of pilgrimage of penance and pacification with which to create symbols and occasions suitable for sewing up the social and urban texture and rediscovering the lost unity. The procession, therefore, is more than a simple religious liturgy that reinterprets some passages of the Gospel narrative; it is a social event, central and decisive for the becoming of each individual, each group and the whole community. In fact, through the procession, the community reorders the collective sense of life, updates the mental map of the physiognomic changes of people, of the urban transformations and more generally of the habitat and the place.
Santarielli (»pomanjšane podobe svetnikov«) velikega petka v Amantei Obred ponovne uveljavitve pr... more Santarielli (»pomanjšane podobe svetnikov«) velikega petka v Amantei Obred ponovne uveljavitve prostora in popularne identitete The varette, metaphors of life and death The confraternities and conflicts of identity Dichotomy and re-founding of identity
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Papers by Franco Ferlaino
Every change, however, is the result of aggregative tensions that are little more than unconscious, of ideological conflicts, personal and group antagonisms. Thus, the close confrontation between the protagonists of the rituals and the social groups of the community has allowed to experiment and reinterpret some ritual codes. Many aesthetic formalisms have fallen and the processional performance has been remodelled; the procession of the “varettes”, while remaining focused on the themes of life, pain and death, has taken on distinct connotations and meanings by age group. One of the last, most bitter and significant conflicts occurred in 1963 and is configured as a watershed between past and present. In that year, the bishop's curia overturned an ancient custom exercised in memory of man: it abolished the patronymic distribution of parishes and imposed the territorial distribution, decreing the boundaries on the map. The confraternities reacted animatedly and the bishop was even beaten. The previous distribution, on a patronymic basis, on the occasion of each church liturgy, allowed the faithful with the same surname (scattered throughout the town) to find themselves with their families and relatives in the same parish church. In addition, the confraternities extended the processional itinerary to the new settlement, starting a sort of pilgrimage of penance and pacification with which to create symbols and occasions suitable for sewing up the social and urban texture and rediscovering the lost unity. The procession, therefore, is more than a simple religious liturgy that reinterprets some passages of the Gospel narrative; it is a social event, central and decisive for the becoming of each individual, each group and the whole community. In fact, through the procession, the community reorders the collective sense of life, updates the mental map of the physiognomic changes of people, of the urban transformations and more generally of the habitat and the place.
Every change, however, is the result of aggregative tensions that are little more than unconscious, of ideological conflicts, personal and group antagonisms. Thus, the close confrontation between the protagonists of the rituals and the social groups of the community has allowed to experiment and reinterpret some ritual codes. Many aesthetic formalisms have fallen and the processional performance has been remodelled; the procession of the “varettes”, while remaining focused on the themes of life, pain and death, has taken on distinct connotations and meanings by age group. One of the last, most bitter and significant conflicts occurred in 1963 and is configured as a watershed between past and present. In that year, the bishop's curia overturned an ancient custom exercised in memory of man: it abolished the patronymic distribution of parishes and imposed the territorial distribution, decreing the boundaries on the map. The confraternities reacted animatedly and the bishop was even beaten. The previous distribution, on a patronymic basis, on the occasion of each church liturgy, allowed the faithful with the same surname (scattered throughout the town) to find themselves with their families and relatives in the same parish church. In addition, the confraternities extended the processional itinerary to the new settlement, starting a sort of pilgrimage of penance and pacification with which to create symbols and occasions suitable for sewing up the social and urban texture and rediscovering the lost unity. The procession, therefore, is more than a simple religious liturgy that reinterprets some passages of the Gospel narrative; it is a social event, central and decisive for the becoming of each individual, each group and the whole community. In fact, through the procession, the community reorders the collective sense of life, updates the mental map of the physiognomic changes of people, of the urban transformations and more generally of the habitat and the place.
Every change, however, is the result of aggregative tensions that are little more than unconscious, of ideological conflicts, personal and group antagonisms. Thus, the close confrontation between the protagonists of the rituals and the social groups of the community has allowed to experiment and reinterpret some ritual codes. Many aesthetic formalisms have fallen and the processional performance has been remodelled; the procession of the “varettes”, while remaining focused on the themes of life, pain and death, has taken on distinct connotations and meanings by age group. One of the last, most bitter and significant conflicts occurred in 1963 and is configured as a watershed between past and present. In that year, the bishop's curia overturned an ancient custom exercised in memory of man: it abolished the patronymic distribution of parishes and imposed the territorial distribution, decreing the boundaries on the map. The confraternities reacted animatedly and the bishop was even beaten. The previous distribution, on a patronymic basis, on the occasion of each church liturgy, allowed the faithful with the same surname (scattered throughout the town) to find themselves with their families and relatives in the same parish church. In addition, the confraternities extended the processional itinerary to the new settlement, starting a sort of pilgrimage of penance and pacification with which to create symbols and occasions suitable for sewing up the social and urban texture and rediscovering the lost unity. The procession, therefore, is more than a simple religious liturgy that reinterprets some passages of the Gospel narrative; it is a social event, central and decisive for the becoming of each individual, each group and the whole community. In fact, through the procession, the community reorders the collective sense of life, updates the mental map of the physiognomic changes of people, of the urban transformations and more generally of the habitat and the place.
Every change, however, is the result of aggregative tensions that are little more than unconscious, of ideological conflicts, personal and group antagonisms. Thus, the close confrontation between the protagonists of the rituals and the social groups of the community has allowed to experiment and reinterpret some ritual codes. Many aesthetic formalisms have fallen and the processional performance has been remodelled; the procession of the “varettes”, while remaining focused on the themes of life, pain and death, has taken on distinct connotations and meanings by age group. One of the last, most bitter and significant conflicts occurred in 1963 and is configured as a watershed between past and present. In that year, the bishop's curia overturned an ancient custom exercised in memory of man: it abolished the patronymic distribution of parishes and imposed the territorial distribution, decreing the boundaries on the map. The confraternities reacted animatedly and the bishop was even beaten. The previous distribution, on a patronymic basis, on the occasion of each church liturgy, allowed the faithful with the same surname (scattered throughout the town) to find themselves with their families and relatives in the same parish church. In addition, the confraternities extended the processional itinerary to the new settlement, starting a sort of pilgrimage of penance and pacification with which to create symbols and occasions suitable for sewing up the social and urban texture and rediscovering the lost unity. The procession, therefore, is more than a simple religious liturgy that reinterprets some passages of the Gospel narrative; it is a social event, central and decisive for the becoming of each individual, each group and the whole community. In fact, through the procession, the community reorders the collective sense of life, updates the mental map of the physiognomic changes of people, of the urban transformations and more generally of the habitat and the place.