In 1846, naturalist Louis Agassiz took Harvard College by storm with his idealist approach to nat... more In 1846, naturalist Louis Agassiz took Harvard College by storm with his idealist approach to nature. In his initial lectures, repeated in New York the following year, Agassiz announced, ''We have that within ourselves which assures us of participation in the Divine Nature and it is a particular characteristic of man to be able to rise in that way above material Nature, and to understand intellectual existences.'' He then made it clear that by intellectual existences he meant a divine plan of creation. ''What naturalists intend when they speak of what they call 'types'. .. may be easily understood by comparison. We all know that architects construct our dwellings according to plans conceived by them before the erection of the edifice.'' 1 There is no doubt that Agassiz valued the careful collection of observational data. ''It has only been step by step that man has acquired an insight into this plan.'' 2 But his empiricism, if that is the right term, was entirely subordinate to apprehension of divine ideas, which alone deserved to be called science. In one recent account, The Metaphysical Club, which contains an excellent discussion of Agassiz's American career, author Louis Menand accurately describes this dual emphasis on observation and intuition. But Menand leaves unstated the problem of An earlier version of this paper was read at the 2002 Congress of the History of the Philosophy of Science Working Group, in Montreal, June 21-23. I am indebted to those who commented on the paper there and especially to George A. Reisch who made a number of helpful recommendations. 1 Louis Agassiz, An introduction to the study of natural history, in a series of lectures delivered in the Hall of the
International Studies in The Philosophy of Science, Jul 1, 2001
American colleges began to teach Locke’s philosophy of science early in the 18th century. Many re... more American colleges began to teach Locke’s philosophy of science early in the 18th century. Many religious people, however, rejected the theological implications of Locke’s philosophy and in 1769 Princeton College initiated a popular reaction against it. That year, a new president dropped Locke’s text from the curriculum and replaced it with a book by Scottish professor, Thomas Reid (1710–1796). Teaching from Reid’s book, the new president attempted to reverse Locke’s effect on the American view of science by insisting that the study of nature is an essentially religious enterprise, consisting entirely of the collection, classi cation, and generalization of facts, with no room for conjectural theories (Bozeman, 1977, pp. 5, 7, 23–28, 45, 54–61; Laudan, 1970, pp. 103–131). This reactionary movement, often called Baconianism after the 17th century English philosopher, Francis Bacon, spread from Princeton to a large sector of American Protestantism and has had a long life in religious movements such as Fundamentalism and Creation Science (Noll, 1985, 1995). Because this long-lived reaction against Locke enjoyed wide popularity in the early national period, it might be thought that Princeton was typical of American colleges at the time. But, in fact, few colleges joined Princeton in rejecting Locke or adopting Reid. As an illustration of the way most American colleges dealt with Locke’s religious implications, this paper tells the story of the philosophy of science at Dartmouth College from its founding in 1771 until 1854. The rst section describes the curriculum from 1771 until 1837 when the faculty taught philosophy of science from books by Locke and the English hymn writer, Isaac Watts (1674–1748). The second section describes the gradual introduction, between 1799 and 1837, of texts by Scottish professor, Dugald Stewart (1753–1828), and English clergyman, Richard Whately (1787–1863), and the subsequent use of these texts until 1854. Finally, an epilogue describes the sudden dropping of these authors from the Dartmouth curriculum under the in uence of a book by the philosopher, John Stuart Mill (1806–1873). I conclude from my analysis of texts by Locke, Watts, Stewart, Whately and J.S. Mill, that philosophical teaching about science at Dartmouth was not a rejection of Locke, as it was at Princeton. On the contrary, the trends toward conjecture and, ironically, towards secularization that Locke introduced into the study of nature consistently characterized the Dartmouth philosophy curriculum from its founding until the mid-19th century. The story of the philosophy of science at early Dartmouth is important because historical writers have systematically missed a key difference between Princeton and other American colleges. Authors as varied as Henry F. May, Sydney Ahlstrom, and George H. Daniels, have rightly emphasized the popular religious reaction against Locke
Journal for the Scientific Study of Religion, Jun 1, 2010
During an initial period of rapid expansion, American Spiritualists did not form churches or sett... more During an initial period of rapid expansion, American Spiritualists did not form churches or settle ministers. As a result, something other than numbers and locations of churches and ministers must chart the 19th-century rise of this religious movement. Fortunately, the leading Spiritualist newspaper of the period, the Banner of Light, published extensive lists of public meetings, lectures, and prospective lecturers. In addition, both the Banner and the Spiritual Telegraph newspapers published early lists of their subscription agents. Even though they do not directly address the central Spiritualist activity of the séance, these lists offer a detailed view of where and when the initial and rapid growth of American Spiritualist activity occurred. Data gathered from these lists put explanations about the rise of this 19th-century Spiritualist movement on a better empirical foundation.
Peter Wallner, former director of the New Hampshire Historical Society library, has given readers... more Peter Wallner, former director of the New Hampshire Historical Society library, has given readers a beautifully crafted book about an important New Hampshire legal event. Although he is not the first to write about this attempt to take control of a wealthy New Hampshire woman's assets on behalf of her near relatives or "next friends," this is a book that needed to be written. In Faith on Trial, Wallner adds a large amount of detailed informa tion about the words and activities of those who brought the suit and of the lawyer who successfully defended against it. Most importantly, he draws from his research insightful conclusions about the motives involved in bringing the suit. The book, recounting the resulting battle, is easy to read and hard to put down.
Around the time of the American Revolution, New Hampshire’s town churches began hiring a new type... more Around the time of the American Revolution, New Hampshire’s town churches began hiring a new type of reforming minister and, by adopting the changes these ministers advocated, transformed the town church. By 1815, more New Hampshire town churches employed these new ministers than any other kind. With the help of such reforming ministers, the Congregational churches of New Hampshire were able to satisfy a popular desire for emotional religious experience and, at the same time, successfully withstand a growing threat to their institutional survival. In the end, however, the process strained the relationship between taxpayers and their churches. Not only did this transformation demolish the pre-Revolutionary status quo but it also contributed to the official separation of town and church in 1819.
How Homeopathy Came to New Hampshire, 1840-1860 David K. Nartonis The author would like to thank ... more How Homeopathy Came to New Hampshire, 1840-1860 David K. Nartonis The author would like to thank Donna-Belle Garvin, who was more than the editor of this article; she was an enthusiastic fellow-researcher. WHEN THE HEALING SYSTEM KNOWN AS homeopathy first came to New Hampshire 170 years ago, it was more a religious system than a science. Yet its first practitioners were almost all trained in conventional medicine. Homeopathy spread through the professional and family relationships of these physicians, at first to a number of small towns in Hillsborough County and then to some of New Hampshire's larger cities. Changes in the nature of homeopathy, from a spiritual to a material system, were already beginning to take place and paved the way for the quite different homeopathy that exists today. Homeopathy is a system of healing with extremely dilute medicine. Its name, homos (Greek for "like") and pathos (Greek for "suffering"), derives from the fact that, before they are diluted, the plant extracts or minerals that are used to make this medicine would produce in a healthy person the same symptoms as the ailment to be cured. In other words, "like cures, like."1 According to the National Center for Health Statistics, during a recent year American adults spent $2.9 billion purchasing homeopathic medicine.2 Eighteen New Hampshire drug stores and pharmacies, including three in Concord, currently advertise these remedies.3 Users of these medicines today explain homeopathic cures in many ways: by the body's innate capacity to heal itself, the special power of small doses of medicine, a vital force that animates living things, quantum physics, undiscovered energies, and hidden properties of water. This was not, however, the way that homeopathy first came to New Hampshire.
. The Journal of Unitarian Universalist History , 2009
In 1865, delegates at the founding meeting of the National Conference of Unitarian Churches descr... more In 1865, delegates at the founding meeting of the National Conference of Unitarian Churches described themselves as "Christian churches of the Unitarian faith" and "disciples of the Lord Jesus Christ."2 During the next three years, at the request of the National Conference organizers, Unitarian churches formed an additional fourteen regional conferences, among them the Essex Conference, north of Boston.3 More inclusive than the National Conference, Essex welcomed into fellowship "all Unitarian parishes [along with] other parishes … by a majority vote."4 The National Conference would eventually agree to the post-Christian inclusivity of the Essex Conference, but the process would take another twenty-six years.5 Essex representatives would play key roles in this development.
In her Cultural History of American Metaphysical Religion, Catherine Albanese makes a strong case... more In her Cultural History of American Metaphysical Religion, Catherine Albanese makes a strong case for including metaphysical traditions in the study of American religion. 1 As she points out, historians have long focused on the liturgical traditions of established denominations. More
Journal for the Scientific Study of Religion, 2010
During an initial period of rapid expansion, American Spiritualists did not form churches or sett... more During an initial period of rapid expansion, American Spiritualists did not form churches or settle ministers. As a result, something other than numbers and locations of churches and ministers must chart the 19th-century rise of this religious movement. Fortunately, the leading Spiritualist newspaper of the period, the Banner of Light, published extensive lists of public meetings, lectures, and prospective lecturers. In addition, both the Banner and the Spiritual Telegraph newspapers published early lists of their subscription agents. Even though they do not directly address the central Spiritualist activity of the seance, these lists offer a detailed view of where and when the initial and rapid growth of American Spiritualist activity occurred. Data gathered from these lists put explanations about the rise of this 19th-century Spiritualist movement on a better empirical foundation.
In 1846, naturalist Louis Agassiz took Harvard College by storm with his idealist approach to nat... more In 1846, naturalist Louis Agassiz took Harvard College by storm with his idealist approach to nature. In his initial lectures, repeated in New York the following year, Agassiz announced, ''We have that within ourselves which assures us of participation in the Divine Nature and it is a particular characteristic of man to be able to rise in that way above material Nature, and to understand intellectual existences.'' He then made it clear that by intellectual existences he meant a divine plan of creation. ''What naturalists intend when they speak of what they call 'types'. .. may be easily understood by comparison. We all know that architects construct our dwellings according to plans conceived by them before the erection of the edifice.'' 1 There is no doubt that Agassiz valued the careful collection of observational data. ''It has only been step by step that man has acquired an insight into this plan.'' 2 But his empiricism, if that is the right term, was entirely subordinate to apprehension of divine ideas, which alone deserved to be called science. In one recent account, The Metaphysical Club, which contains an excellent discussion of Agassiz's American career, author Louis Menand accurately describes this dual emphasis on observation and intuition. But Menand leaves unstated the problem of An earlier version of this paper was read at the 2002 Congress of the History of the Philosophy of Science Working Group, in Montreal, June 21-23. I am indebted to those who commented on the paper there and especially to George A. Reisch who made a number of helpful recommendations. 1 Louis Agassiz, An introduction to the study of natural history, in a series of lectures delivered in the Hall of the
International Studies in The Philosophy of Science, Jul 1, 2001
American colleges began to teach Locke’s philosophy of science early in the 18th century. Many re... more American colleges began to teach Locke’s philosophy of science early in the 18th century. Many religious people, however, rejected the theological implications of Locke’s philosophy and in 1769 Princeton College initiated a popular reaction against it. That year, a new president dropped Locke’s text from the curriculum and replaced it with a book by Scottish professor, Thomas Reid (1710–1796). Teaching from Reid’s book, the new president attempted to reverse Locke’s effect on the American view of science by insisting that the study of nature is an essentially religious enterprise, consisting entirely of the collection, classi cation, and generalization of facts, with no room for conjectural theories (Bozeman, 1977, pp. 5, 7, 23–28, 45, 54–61; Laudan, 1970, pp. 103–131). This reactionary movement, often called Baconianism after the 17th century English philosopher, Francis Bacon, spread from Princeton to a large sector of American Protestantism and has had a long life in religious movements such as Fundamentalism and Creation Science (Noll, 1985, 1995). Because this long-lived reaction against Locke enjoyed wide popularity in the early national period, it might be thought that Princeton was typical of American colleges at the time. But, in fact, few colleges joined Princeton in rejecting Locke or adopting Reid. As an illustration of the way most American colleges dealt with Locke’s religious implications, this paper tells the story of the philosophy of science at Dartmouth College from its founding in 1771 until 1854. The rst section describes the curriculum from 1771 until 1837 when the faculty taught philosophy of science from books by Locke and the English hymn writer, Isaac Watts (1674–1748). The second section describes the gradual introduction, between 1799 and 1837, of texts by Scottish professor, Dugald Stewart (1753–1828), and English clergyman, Richard Whately (1787–1863), and the subsequent use of these texts until 1854. Finally, an epilogue describes the sudden dropping of these authors from the Dartmouth curriculum under the in uence of a book by the philosopher, John Stuart Mill (1806–1873). I conclude from my analysis of texts by Locke, Watts, Stewart, Whately and J.S. Mill, that philosophical teaching about science at Dartmouth was not a rejection of Locke, as it was at Princeton. On the contrary, the trends toward conjecture and, ironically, towards secularization that Locke introduced into the study of nature consistently characterized the Dartmouth philosophy curriculum from its founding until the mid-19th century. The story of the philosophy of science at early Dartmouth is important because historical writers have systematically missed a key difference between Princeton and other American colleges. Authors as varied as Henry F. May, Sydney Ahlstrom, and George H. Daniels, have rightly emphasized the popular religious reaction against Locke
Journal for the Scientific Study of Religion, Jun 1, 2010
During an initial period of rapid expansion, American Spiritualists did not form churches or sett... more During an initial period of rapid expansion, American Spiritualists did not form churches or settle ministers. As a result, something other than numbers and locations of churches and ministers must chart the 19th-century rise of this religious movement. Fortunately, the leading Spiritualist newspaper of the period, the Banner of Light, published extensive lists of public meetings, lectures, and prospective lecturers. In addition, both the Banner and the Spiritual Telegraph newspapers published early lists of their subscription agents. Even though they do not directly address the central Spiritualist activity of the séance, these lists offer a detailed view of where and when the initial and rapid growth of American Spiritualist activity occurred. Data gathered from these lists put explanations about the rise of this 19th-century Spiritualist movement on a better empirical foundation.
Peter Wallner, former director of the New Hampshire Historical Society library, has given readers... more Peter Wallner, former director of the New Hampshire Historical Society library, has given readers a beautifully crafted book about an important New Hampshire legal event. Although he is not the first to write about this attempt to take control of a wealthy New Hampshire woman's assets on behalf of her near relatives or "next friends," this is a book that needed to be written. In Faith on Trial, Wallner adds a large amount of detailed informa tion about the words and activities of those who brought the suit and of the lawyer who successfully defended against it. Most importantly, he draws from his research insightful conclusions about the motives involved in bringing the suit. The book, recounting the resulting battle, is easy to read and hard to put down.
Around the time of the American Revolution, New Hampshire’s town churches began hiring a new type... more Around the time of the American Revolution, New Hampshire’s town churches began hiring a new type of reforming minister and, by adopting the changes these ministers advocated, transformed the town church. By 1815, more New Hampshire town churches employed these new ministers than any other kind. With the help of such reforming ministers, the Congregational churches of New Hampshire were able to satisfy a popular desire for emotional religious experience and, at the same time, successfully withstand a growing threat to their institutional survival. In the end, however, the process strained the relationship between taxpayers and their churches. Not only did this transformation demolish the pre-Revolutionary status quo but it also contributed to the official separation of town and church in 1819.
How Homeopathy Came to New Hampshire, 1840-1860 David K. Nartonis The author would like to thank ... more How Homeopathy Came to New Hampshire, 1840-1860 David K. Nartonis The author would like to thank Donna-Belle Garvin, who was more than the editor of this article; she was an enthusiastic fellow-researcher. WHEN THE HEALING SYSTEM KNOWN AS homeopathy first came to New Hampshire 170 years ago, it was more a religious system than a science. Yet its first practitioners were almost all trained in conventional medicine. Homeopathy spread through the professional and family relationships of these physicians, at first to a number of small towns in Hillsborough County and then to some of New Hampshire's larger cities. Changes in the nature of homeopathy, from a spiritual to a material system, were already beginning to take place and paved the way for the quite different homeopathy that exists today. Homeopathy is a system of healing with extremely dilute medicine. Its name, homos (Greek for "like") and pathos (Greek for "suffering"), derives from the fact that, before they are diluted, the plant extracts or minerals that are used to make this medicine would produce in a healthy person the same symptoms as the ailment to be cured. In other words, "like cures, like."1 According to the National Center for Health Statistics, during a recent year American adults spent $2.9 billion purchasing homeopathic medicine.2 Eighteen New Hampshire drug stores and pharmacies, including three in Concord, currently advertise these remedies.3 Users of these medicines today explain homeopathic cures in many ways: by the body's innate capacity to heal itself, the special power of small doses of medicine, a vital force that animates living things, quantum physics, undiscovered energies, and hidden properties of water. This was not, however, the way that homeopathy first came to New Hampshire.
. The Journal of Unitarian Universalist History , 2009
In 1865, delegates at the founding meeting of the National Conference of Unitarian Churches descr... more In 1865, delegates at the founding meeting of the National Conference of Unitarian Churches described themselves as "Christian churches of the Unitarian faith" and "disciples of the Lord Jesus Christ."2 During the next three years, at the request of the National Conference organizers, Unitarian churches formed an additional fourteen regional conferences, among them the Essex Conference, north of Boston.3 More inclusive than the National Conference, Essex welcomed into fellowship "all Unitarian parishes [along with] other parishes … by a majority vote."4 The National Conference would eventually agree to the post-Christian inclusivity of the Essex Conference, but the process would take another twenty-six years.5 Essex representatives would play key roles in this development.
In her Cultural History of American Metaphysical Religion, Catherine Albanese makes a strong case... more In her Cultural History of American Metaphysical Religion, Catherine Albanese makes a strong case for including metaphysical traditions in the study of American religion. 1 As she points out, historians have long focused on the liturgical traditions of established denominations. More
Journal for the Scientific Study of Religion, 2010
During an initial period of rapid expansion, American Spiritualists did not form churches or sett... more During an initial period of rapid expansion, American Spiritualists did not form churches or settle ministers. As a result, something other than numbers and locations of churches and ministers must chart the 19th-century rise of this religious movement. Fortunately, the leading Spiritualist newspaper of the period, the Banner of Light, published extensive lists of public meetings, lectures, and prospective lecturers. In addition, both the Banner and the Spiritual Telegraph newspapers published early lists of their subscription agents. Even though they do not directly address the central Spiritualist activity of the seance, these lists offer a detailed view of where and when the initial and rapid growth of American Spiritualist activity occurred. Data gathered from these lists put explanations about the rise of this 19th-century Spiritualist movement on a better empirical foundation.
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