This article examines the idea of Northern Ireland independence in Unionist political thought. It... more This article examines the idea of Northern Ireland independence in Unionist political thought. It focuses on three moments which compelled Ulster Unionists to re-evaluate Northern Ireland's constitutional status as part of the United Kingdom—the Stormont parliament's cohabitation with the post-war Labour government, Stormont's collapse in 1972, and the Anglo-Irish Agreement of 1985. It argues that rather than being the expression of Ulster nationalism or a contractarian understanding of political obligation, Unionist arguments for independence were motivated by a classical republican concern: the arbitrary power Northern Ireland is subject to as part of the United Kingdom. This locates Unionist thought on independence within a problem of democratic self-determination: the relationship between majority rule and the bounds of the political community. The article finds that each moment compelled particular Unionist thinkers to reconceive of Ulster Unionists as a political minority subject to arbitrary power in the UK constitution and to choose between Northern Ireland and the United Kingdom as the sovereign political community. The article is unique as there exists little scholarship on the idea of Northern Ireland independence and instructive in providing a challenging case study to assess the attraction and determinacy of classical republicanism as a theory of self-determination.
In contemporary politics many groups make claims for self-determination. Some of these claims are... more In contemporary politics many groups make claims for self-determination. Some of these claims are recognised by existing political authorities or the international community, whilst others are denied. Often this is regardless of the fact that the reasons why groups make claims for self-determination differ from group to group. This thesis assesses whether groups who make claims for self-determination should have their claims recognised or denied and for what reasons this should be the case. This thesis, therefore, provides an answer to the question ‘which groups have justified claims for self-determination?’ My thesis is that groups who are dominated have justified claims for this right. This thesis is in two parts: the first is a critical examination of three existing theories of self-determination, and the second is a defence of a constructive alternative to these theories – it details a republican theory of self-determination. In part one I assess three theories in the existing l...
This article examines the idea of Northern Ireland independence in Unionist political thought. It... more This article examines the idea of Northern Ireland independence in Unionist political thought. It focuses on three moments which compelled Ulster Unionists to re-evaluate Northern Ireland's constitutional status as part of the United Kingdom—the Stormont parliament's cohabitation with the post-war Labour government, Stormont's collapse in 1972, and the Anglo-Irish Agreement of 1985. It argues that rather than being the expression of Ulster nationalism or a contractarian understanding of political obligation, Unionist arguments for independence were motivated by a classical republican concern: the arbitrary power Northern Ireland is subject to as part of the United Kingdom. This locates Unionist thought on independence within a problem of democratic self-determination: the relationship between majority rule and the bounds of the political community. The article finds that each moment compelled particular Unionist thinkers to reconceive of Ulster Unionists as a political minority subject to arbitrary power in the UK constitution and to choose between Northern Ireland and the United Kingdom as the sovereign political community. The article is unique as there exists little scholarship on the idea of Northern Ireland independence and instructive in providing a challenging case study to assess the attraction and determinacy of classical republicanism as a theory of self-determination.
The incorporation of the Scottish campaign for self-government into a broader federalist agenda c... more The incorporation of the Scottish campaign for self-government into a broader federalist agenda could enable a democratic revival in the UK, to the benefit of the left. S ince the SNP government's announcement that it would hold a referendum on Scottish independence in September 2014, the prevailing view amongst political commentators has been that Scotland is likely to remain within the United Kingdom. Whilst this is not necessarily controversial for those analysing these events from a non-partisan perspective, outside of Scotland this view has often been coupled with an attitude that assumes the post-referendum situation will be 'business as usual'. This attitude suggests that as far as the UK constitution is concerned, the issues raised by Scotland's prospective independence will be concerns of the past. It is this 'business as usual' attitude with which I want to take issue in this essay. I will argue that by rejecting it, the British left can seize upon this unique moment as an opportunity to rejuvenate UK politics.
This article examines the idea of Northern Ireland independence in Unionist political thought. It... more This article examines the idea of Northern Ireland independence in Unionist political thought. It focuses on three moments which compelled Ulster Unionists to re-evaluate Northern Ireland's constitutional status as part of the United Kingdom—the Stormont parliament's cohabitation with the post-war Labour government, Stormont's collapse in 1972, and the Anglo-Irish Agreement of 1985. It argues that rather than being the expression of Ulster nationalism or a contractarian understanding of political obligation, Unionist arguments for independence were motivated by a classical republican concern: the arbitrary power Northern Ireland is subject to as part of the United Kingdom. This locates Unionist thought on independence within a problem of democratic self-determination: the relationship between majority rule and the bounds of the political community. The article finds that each moment compelled particular Unionist thinkers to reconceive of Ulster Unionists as a political minority subject to arbitrary power in the UK constitution and to choose between Northern Ireland and the United Kingdom as the sovereign political community. The article is unique as there exists little scholarship on the idea of Northern Ireland independence and instructive in providing a challenging case study to assess the attraction and determinacy of classical republicanism as a theory of self-determination.
In contemporary politics many groups make claims for self-determination. Some of these claims are... more In contemporary politics many groups make claims for self-determination. Some of these claims are recognised by existing political authorities or the international community, whilst others are denied. Often this is regardless of the fact that the reasons why groups make claims for self-determination differ from group to group. This thesis assesses whether groups who make claims for self-determination should have their claims recognised or denied and for what reasons this should be the case. This thesis, therefore, provides an answer to the question ‘which groups have justified claims for self-determination?’ My thesis is that groups who are dominated have justified claims for this right. This thesis is in two parts: the first is a critical examination of three existing theories of self-determination, and the second is a defence of a constructive alternative to these theories – it details a republican theory of self-determination. In part one I assess three theories in the existing l...
This article examines the idea of Northern Ireland independence in Unionist political thought. It... more This article examines the idea of Northern Ireland independence in Unionist political thought. It focuses on three moments which compelled Ulster Unionists to re-evaluate Northern Ireland's constitutional status as part of the United Kingdom—the Stormont parliament's cohabitation with the post-war Labour government, Stormont's collapse in 1972, and the Anglo-Irish Agreement of 1985. It argues that rather than being the expression of Ulster nationalism or a contractarian understanding of political obligation, Unionist arguments for independence were motivated by a classical republican concern: the arbitrary power Northern Ireland is subject to as part of the United Kingdom. This locates Unionist thought on independence within a problem of democratic self-determination: the relationship between majority rule and the bounds of the political community. The article finds that each moment compelled particular Unionist thinkers to reconceive of Ulster Unionists as a political minority subject to arbitrary power in the UK constitution and to choose between Northern Ireland and the United Kingdom as the sovereign political community. The article is unique as there exists little scholarship on the idea of Northern Ireland independence and instructive in providing a challenging case study to assess the attraction and determinacy of classical republicanism as a theory of self-determination.
The incorporation of the Scottish campaign for self-government into a broader federalist agenda c... more The incorporation of the Scottish campaign for self-government into a broader federalist agenda could enable a democratic revival in the UK, to the benefit of the left. S ince the SNP government's announcement that it would hold a referendum on Scottish independence in September 2014, the prevailing view amongst political commentators has been that Scotland is likely to remain within the United Kingdom. Whilst this is not necessarily controversial for those analysing these events from a non-partisan perspective, outside of Scotland this view has often been coupled with an attitude that assumes the post-referendum situation will be 'business as usual'. This attitude suggests that as far as the UK constitution is concerned, the issues raised by Scotland's prospective independence will be concerns of the past. It is this 'business as usual' attitude with which I want to take issue in this essay. I will argue that by rejecting it, the British left can seize upon this unique moment as an opportunity to rejuvenate UK politics.
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