Adam Suławka
Specjalista w Wojskowym Biurze Historycznym. Zainteresowania badawcze: historia polityczna i społeczna Europy Środkowo-Wschodniej w XIX i XX wieku, Historia Kościoła Katolickiego, stosunki polsko-rosyjskie i polsko-ukraińskie, emigracja i mniejszość rosyjska w II Rzeczypospolitej i PRL.
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were in turn branches of Soviet intelligence in Poland. These groups aroused greatest interest among researchers prior to 1989 (during the existence of the communist block) due to the fact that Polish historians, members of the ruling Polish United Workers’ Party at the time, monopolised scientific research. Members of the PUWP’s satellite United People’s Party also had the opportunity to work on this issue, but their influence was much weaker. Articles regarding the Hromada were also available; however, much more detailed and important were those written in the Belarussian SSR. Practically in all cases those scientific papers were written in line with the communist ideology that praised the work of these parties. Still, thanks to research in Polish and Soviet archives, we can obtain valuable information about them and their members. After the decline of the communist block the topic has received much less attention from researchers both in Poland and Belarus, except for those who had already worked on it during the communist era and published a few fragmentary articles. As a result, the issue discussed in this article is still waiting for comprehensive and honest scholarship.
Krasnoye Znamya was the only Russian-language
paper of the Polish Socialist Party (PPS) in
the interwar period. Its circulation fluctuated
between 1500–2000 copies. Most of its articles
were written by editor-in-chief and Sejm deputy
Stanisław Wolicki. The paper ran into difficulties
after launching a campaign of criticism against the
local administration; nor could the championing
unrealistically radical causes halt its rapid decline.
When Wolicki became embroiled in a financial
scandal, its fate was sealed.
TITLES IN RUSSIAN LANGUAGE. HALF OF THEM WERE
ADRESSED TO THE ORTHODOX CHRISTIANS; BUT MANY WERE
ALSO ADRESSED TO THE PROTESTANTS (BAPTISTS,
EVANGELICALISTS OR MEMBERS OF SEVENTH-DAY
ADVENTIST CHURCH), A FEW OF THEM WERE ADRESSED TO
THE NEO-UNIATIST CATHOLICS AND TWO OF THEM TO THE
„STEFANOWCY”; MEMBERS OF SMALL RELIGIOUS SECT LED
BY STEFAN BOCHONIUK. NOT ALWAYS THIS MAGAZINES
WERE ADRESSED TO THE RUSSIANS, FOR EXAMPLE
PROTESTANS MISSIONARS PRINTED RELIGIOUS MAGAZINES
FOR BELORUSSIANS AND UKRAINIANS WHICH LIVED IN
EAST BORDERS OF POLISH STATE IN RUSSIAN LANGUAGE,
BECAUSE THEY DIDN'T KNOW BELORUSSIAN AND
UKRAINIAN LANGUAGE. ALSO ORTHODOX MAGAZINES
OFTEN WERE READ BY BELORUSIANS, UKRAINIANS AND
POLES OF ORTHODOX CONFESSION
zarówno przedstawiciele emigracji rosyjskiej, którzy opuścili terytorium
ZSRR po rewolucji bolszewickiej, jak i członkowie społeczności rosyjskiej
zamieszkujący ziemie polskie od pokoleń (mniejszościowcy). Większa część
tej społeczności była nastawiona jednoznacznie antykomunistycznie, co w czasie
wojny polsko-bolszewickiej próbował wykorzystać Józef Piłsudski (koncepcja
„trzeciej Rosji”). Natomiast po traktacie ryskim, kiedy Polska usiłowała
utrzymać pokojowe stosunki z Rosją Radziecką, działania społeczności rosyjskiej
stawały się dla władz polskich uciążliwe. Innymi czynnikami spornymi
w relacjach pomiędzy władzami polskimi a społecznością rosyjską w Polsce
były: ogłoszenie autokefalii Kościoła prawosławnego w Polsce, próba utworzenia
przez władze watykańskie na Kresach Wschodnich Kościoła katolickiego
obrządku bizantyjsko-słowiańskiego (tzw. neounia), podjęte pod koniec lat 30.
represje wobec Kościoła prawosławnego (burzenie cerkwi na Chełmszczyź-
nie) oraz próby spolonizowania mniejszości rosyjskiej w Polsce. Znacznie
lepiej wyglądały stosunki polsko-rosyjskie na niwie kulturalnej (m.in. wspólne
obchody Roku Puszkinowskiego czy też polsko-rosyjski literacki klub dyskusyjny
„Domek w Kołomnie”).
(KC KZMZB), youth’s party of Communist Party of Western Belarus (KPZB) was edited
illegally and irregularly in years 1924-1937 „Molodoi Kommunist” (later under the title
„Malady Kamunist”). At the begin this magazine has been edited only in Russian language,
however after 1926 it was gradually Belarusized. In the magazine was Publisher
resolutions of KC KZMZB and KPZB, also ideologized articles which extolled USRR
and attacked Polish authorities and members of Belarusian national movement who
were loyal to Poland. There were also published field reports send by KZMZB members
about their league activity. Sometimes this magazine also contented poetry (mostly
about revolutionary themes). The circulation of the magazine was about few thousands,
however it was reluctantly read by members of League, which was caused both by difficult
conditions of distribution (the risk of repression from Polish authorities), and rather
unattractive, primitive and excessively ideologized language of its articles, which often
discourage youth members of KZMZB of reading
and the Ukrainian People’s Republic in Volhynia between November 1918 (capture of
Włodzimierz Wołyński by the Poles) and March 1919 (expedition to Poryck and Torczyn).
The most important battles of this campaign included: Polish-Ukrainian fighting for
Włodzimierz Wołyński (19–24 January 1919), capture of Kowel by the Poles (4 February),
expedition of Polish troops against the Bolshevik forces concentrated at Maniewicze (16
February), battle of Hołoby won by the Poles (21–24 February), and defeating Ukrainian
forces at Poryck and Torczyn by Polish troops commanded by Maj. Leopold Lis-Kula
in early March 1919. As a result the Polish side retained control of the western part of
Volhynia.
were in turn branches of Soviet intelligence in Poland. These groups aroused greatest interest among researchers prior to 1989 (during the existence of the communist block) due to the fact that Polish historians, members of the ruling Polish United Workers’ Party at the time, monopolised scientific research. Members of the PUWP’s satellite United People’s Party also had the opportunity to work on this issue, but their influence was much weaker. Articles regarding the Hromada were also available; however, much more detailed and important were those written in the Belarussian SSR. Practically in all cases those scientific papers were written in line with the communist ideology that praised the work of these parties. Still, thanks to research in Polish and Soviet archives, we can obtain valuable information about them and their members. After the decline of the communist block the topic has received much less attention from researchers both in Poland and Belarus, except for those who had already worked on it during the communist era and published a few fragmentary articles. As a result, the issue discussed in this article is still waiting for comprehensive and honest scholarship.
Krasnoye Znamya was the only Russian-language
paper of the Polish Socialist Party (PPS) in
the interwar period. Its circulation fluctuated
between 1500–2000 copies. Most of its articles
were written by editor-in-chief and Sejm deputy
Stanisław Wolicki. The paper ran into difficulties
after launching a campaign of criticism against the
local administration; nor could the championing
unrealistically radical causes halt its rapid decline.
When Wolicki became embroiled in a financial
scandal, its fate was sealed.
TITLES IN RUSSIAN LANGUAGE. HALF OF THEM WERE
ADRESSED TO THE ORTHODOX CHRISTIANS; BUT MANY WERE
ALSO ADRESSED TO THE PROTESTANTS (BAPTISTS,
EVANGELICALISTS OR MEMBERS OF SEVENTH-DAY
ADVENTIST CHURCH), A FEW OF THEM WERE ADRESSED TO
THE NEO-UNIATIST CATHOLICS AND TWO OF THEM TO THE
„STEFANOWCY”; MEMBERS OF SMALL RELIGIOUS SECT LED
BY STEFAN BOCHONIUK. NOT ALWAYS THIS MAGAZINES
WERE ADRESSED TO THE RUSSIANS, FOR EXAMPLE
PROTESTANS MISSIONARS PRINTED RELIGIOUS MAGAZINES
FOR BELORUSSIANS AND UKRAINIANS WHICH LIVED IN
EAST BORDERS OF POLISH STATE IN RUSSIAN LANGUAGE,
BECAUSE THEY DIDN'T KNOW BELORUSSIAN AND
UKRAINIAN LANGUAGE. ALSO ORTHODOX MAGAZINES
OFTEN WERE READ BY BELORUSIANS, UKRAINIANS AND
POLES OF ORTHODOX CONFESSION
zarówno przedstawiciele emigracji rosyjskiej, którzy opuścili terytorium
ZSRR po rewolucji bolszewickiej, jak i członkowie społeczności rosyjskiej
zamieszkujący ziemie polskie od pokoleń (mniejszościowcy). Większa część
tej społeczności była nastawiona jednoznacznie antykomunistycznie, co w czasie
wojny polsko-bolszewickiej próbował wykorzystać Józef Piłsudski (koncepcja
„trzeciej Rosji”). Natomiast po traktacie ryskim, kiedy Polska usiłowała
utrzymać pokojowe stosunki z Rosją Radziecką, działania społeczności rosyjskiej
stawały się dla władz polskich uciążliwe. Innymi czynnikami spornymi
w relacjach pomiędzy władzami polskimi a społecznością rosyjską w Polsce
były: ogłoszenie autokefalii Kościoła prawosławnego w Polsce, próba utworzenia
przez władze watykańskie na Kresach Wschodnich Kościoła katolickiego
obrządku bizantyjsko-słowiańskiego (tzw. neounia), podjęte pod koniec lat 30.
represje wobec Kościoła prawosławnego (burzenie cerkwi na Chełmszczyź-
nie) oraz próby spolonizowania mniejszości rosyjskiej w Polsce. Znacznie
lepiej wyglądały stosunki polsko-rosyjskie na niwie kulturalnej (m.in. wspólne
obchody Roku Puszkinowskiego czy też polsko-rosyjski literacki klub dyskusyjny
„Domek w Kołomnie”).
(KC KZMZB), youth’s party of Communist Party of Western Belarus (KPZB) was edited
illegally and irregularly in years 1924-1937 „Molodoi Kommunist” (later under the title
„Malady Kamunist”). At the begin this magazine has been edited only in Russian language,
however after 1926 it was gradually Belarusized. In the magazine was Publisher
resolutions of KC KZMZB and KPZB, also ideologized articles which extolled USRR
and attacked Polish authorities and members of Belarusian national movement who
were loyal to Poland. There were also published field reports send by KZMZB members
about their league activity. Sometimes this magazine also contented poetry (mostly
about revolutionary themes). The circulation of the magazine was about few thousands,
however it was reluctantly read by members of League, which was caused both by difficult
conditions of distribution (the risk of repression from Polish authorities), and rather
unattractive, primitive and excessively ideologized language of its articles, which often
discourage youth members of KZMZB of reading
and the Ukrainian People’s Republic in Volhynia between November 1918 (capture of
Włodzimierz Wołyński by the Poles) and March 1919 (expedition to Poryck and Torczyn).
The most important battles of this campaign included: Polish-Ukrainian fighting for
Włodzimierz Wołyński (19–24 January 1919), capture of Kowel by the Poles (4 February),
expedition of Polish troops against the Bolshevik forces concentrated at Maniewicze (16
February), battle of Hołoby won by the Poles (21–24 February), and defeating Ukrainian
forces at Poryck and Torczyn by Polish troops commanded by Maj. Leopold Lis-Kula
in early March 1919. As a result the Polish side retained control of the western part of
Volhynia.