Papers by Georgina Fuller
Victims & offenders, Apr 9, 2023
This study used the interpersonal circumplex (IPC)-a probabilistic model of human behavior during... more This study used the interpersonal circumplex (IPC)-a probabilistic model of human behavior during social interactions-to conceptualize victim behavior during physically assaultive crime (domestic violence, physical assault, and sexual assault). Using data from the Australian Database of Victimisation Experiences, 101 victim behaviors were identified across a sample of 150 victim narratives. Categorical Principal Components Analysis and Smallest Space Analysis found that victim behavior during physically assaultive crime aligned with the IPC's four behavioral styles: dominance, submissive, hostility, and cooperation. These findings provide new opportunities to explore victim agency including how victims may influence the offender and situation.
| Forecasting the nature and form that the Australian illicit drug market will take by the start ... more | Forecasting the nature and form that the Australian illicit drug market will take by the start of 2018 based on the opinions of police detainees who engage with illicit drug markets as users and suppliers provides a unique perspective on likely market fluctuations and influences. Police detainees predicted that by the start of 2018 the most likely changes and greatest impacts will occur within the cannabis and methamphetamine markets, with the heroin market remaining relatively stable. Improvements in cultivation technology and the emergence of new cannabis strains were predicted to impact the cannabis market. An increase in the number of injecting methamphetamine users was predicted to have high impact on the methamphetamine market in terms of health and crime costs to the user and community. Predicting market influences supports government, law enforcement and health sectors to proactively develop strategies to address future challenges in the Australian illicit drug market. Police detainee predictions on future Australian illicit drug market influences Georgina Fuller, Susan Goldsmid & Eileen Patterson
According to Transparency International, Australia is perceived to be one of the least corrupt co... more According to Transparency International, Australia is perceived to be one of the least corrupt countries in the world, although Australia’s ranking in the latest Corruption Perceptions Index (Transparency International 2018) has recently declined. Public servants are particularly at risk of being invited to act corruptly because of their access to confidential and personal information and because they can provide benefits to, or discount the liabilities of, members of the public. Corruption affecting the public sector is a covert and pernicious criminal activity that has been defined as:
Trends and issues in crime and criminal justice, Mar 3, 2017
Most robberies in Australia occur on the street or footpath (Borzycki & Fuller 2014). However... more Most robberies in Australia occur on the street or footpath (Borzycki & Fuller 2014). However, just under a third of all robberies in 2014 were committed against businesses (ABS 2015). Small or medium-sized businesses such as retail stores, service stations, corner stores and takeaway restaurants are common targets for armed robbery because of their cash holdings and less-complex security measures (Fuller 2014).The cost of the robbery and its impact on staff were identified as the two most serious consequences for small businesses at the most recent National Armed Robbery Research Forum (NARRF) held at the Australian Institute of Criminology (AIC) in 2014. The difficulties business owners face in appropriately responding to and supporting the needs of traumatised employees returning to work were of particular concern. The generic nature of information provided in currently available return-to-work guides meant stakeholders attending the forum struggled to tailor the recommendations to the needs of their businesses and employees.This research examines the factors that can hinder or help an employee's successful return to work after an armed robbery. The experiences of victims of armed robbery in the workplace who did and did not return to work were compared using data from the AlC's Database of Victimisation Experiences (DoVE). This study will inform the return-to-work practices of Australian businesses by identifying what causes victims the most difficulty and where extra employer support may be required.The impact of armed robbery victimisationAn individual's physical, psychological, emotional and social functioning may be affected by the trauma of armed robbery to varying degrees and for varying periods (Elklit 2002; Harrison & Kinner 1998), though certain risk or protective factors can influence the severity of any effects. For example, a victim's emotional strength, resilience and access to social support may positively mediate the negative impacts (Brewin, Andrews & Valentine 2000; Yap & Devilly 2004). Alternatively, personal vulnerabilities and fears, as well as the type of traumatic event and the effects of any physical injuries, may negatively impact post-crime functioning (Cook, David & Grant 1999). To determine how best to support and meet a victim's needs, we must understand how risk and protective factors influence the degree, frequency and duration of negative post-crime outcomes.Those who work in customer service roles, such as cashiers and security guards, are particularly vulnerable to armed robbery victimisation due to the frequency of their interactions with the public (Mayhew 2000). The barriers to and facilitators of return to work post-robbery include the severity of the incident, its psychological impact on the victim and how much support their employer provides.Hindering return to work: Psychological impact of armed robberyArmed robbery in the workplace can have serious psychological consequences for the victim. This traumatic experience has been linked to the development of mental health issues like major depressive disorder (Belleville et al. 2012), acute stress disorder or ASD (Elklit 2002; Hansen & Elklit 2011), and its more severe and protracted variant, post-traumatic stress disorder (PTSD; Fichera et al. 2014; Hansen et al. 2014). The trauma and stress-related symptoms associated with disorders like ASD and PTSD can have particularly serious impacts on a victim's post-crime functioning. For example, victims who develop ASD or PTSD may find themselves dealing with intrusive memories or experiencing dissociation (feeling detached from their thoughts, emotions and surroundings). They may also experience flashbacks, intense psychological or physiological reactions to reminders of the trauma, and persistent negative emotions like guilt, as well as negative beliefs about themselves, others and the world (see APA 2013 for specific criteria for each disorder). …
Trends and issues in crime and criminal justice, Dec 5, 2016
Police officers spend between eight and 25 percent of their time responding to alcohol and other ... more Police officers spend between eight and 25 percent of their time responding to alcohol and other drug- (AOD) related primary incidents (see Donnelly et al. 2007; Palk, Davey & Freeman 2007). Intoxication itself is not a criminal offence in Australia. AOD-related police call-outs are incidents in which AOD use was a causal factor or events where intoxicated persons are present, such as intoxication in a public place. Police who attend AODrelated incidents may be required to interact with, control and manage intoxicated people. Officers also have a responsibility to ensure the safety of intoxicated individuals and others present. So common is this issue that 41 percent of adult police detainees interviewed by the Drug Use Monitoring in Australia (DUMA) program in 2013-14 reported consuming alcohol in the 48 hours prior to arrest, with an average consumption of 19 standard drinks (Coghlan et al. 2015). In addition, 46 percent of police detainees tested positive via urinalysis for cannabis, 37 percent for amphetamines, 24 percent for benzodiazepines and eight percent for heroin. While this does not mean all police detainees who tested positive were intoxicated, it does indicate the police were required to manage intoxication- and withdrawal-related risks for a considerable proportion of police detainees.All interactions between police officers and offenders involve an element of danger. However, intoxicated offenders pose additional threats to the safety of officers, bystanders and themselves. AOD intoxication can affect the health and behaviour of the offender and increase their risk of aggression or physical health complications. Officers must therefore understand how intoxicationrelated risks manifest and change during an interaction, to ensure the responses and strategies implemented are appropriate, effective and minimise the risk of harm.This study explored this issue using data from the AlC's National Deaths in Custody Program (NDICP). A sample of deaths-in-custody cases were examined, along with any accompanying coronial recommendations, to identify the characteristics of incidents involving intoxicated individuals in police custody.The study aimed to determine how intoxication influences the nature and magnitude of risk associated with police officer/offender interactions. This research formed part of a wider project that examined police best practice in responding to individuals affected by alcohol and other drugs (for the full report see Fuller, Goldsmid & Brown forthcoming). For consistency, those involved in interactions with police are referred to in this paper as offenders; however, they may not have been convicted of the alleged crime that precipitated the police interaction.The effects of AOD use and intoxicationIntoxication can be defined as a condition that follows the administration of alcohol or a drug that 'results in disturbances in the level of consciousness, cognition, perception, judgement, affect or behaviour or other psychophysiological functions and responses' (World Health Organisation [WHO] 2014). This is a broad application of the WHO's (2014) definition of acute intoxication by psychoactive substances. Implicit in this definition is the idea that intoxication can lead to increased levels of risk for the individual and those around them. Specifically, risks may stem from disturbances to consciousness, perception and judgement; the individual might not be fully cognisant of their surroundings or in full mental or physical control of their actions.Alcohol is a depressant that slows down and suppresses the functions of the central nervous system. Drugs like heroin, cannabis and benzodiazepines are also depressants, while cocaine, amphetamines and MDMA (ecstasy) are stimulants. Stimulants hasten messages from the brain to the body and result in the user feeling more alert, awake, confident or energetic (Australian Drug Foundation [ADF] 2014). Health complications can arise even at low levels of intoxication. …
Trends and issues in crime and criminal justice, Jul 30, 2015
Australia's national research and knowledge centre on crime and justice Trends & issues in crime ... more Australia's national research and knowledge centre on crime and justice Trends & issues in crime and criminal justice Foreword | In Australia, crime prevention is primarily the responsibility of state and territory governments. What is less well understood is the significant role of local government in developing and delivering crime prevention at the community level, although councils have long been involved in helping to create safer communities. This research offers one of the first detailed insights into the valuable contribution made by local government within the multi-layered crime prevention strategies and initiatives which keep Australian communities safe. The Drugs and Crime Prevention Committee of the Parliament of Victoria carried out this research as part of an investigation into locally-based approaches to community safety and crime prevention in 2011. The results of a comprehensive survey of the crime prevention activities of local government authorities across Victoria are examined. This study reveals the issues local government prioritises, the responses they deploy and the challenges that they face, such as gaps in capacity and the need to manage complex relationships between participants who work on local community safety. Findings reveal a system that, while highly variable in sophistication and reach, provides an important platform for improving local community safety. The study also identifies important gaps and opportunities to improve collaboration between government and the private and NGO sectors.
Apart from any fair dealing for the purpose of private study, research, criticism or review, as p... more Apart from any fair dealing for the purpose of private study, research, criticism or review, as permitted under the Copyright Act 1968 (Cth), no part of this publication may in any form or by any means (electronic, mechanical, microcopying, photocopying, recording or otherwise) be reproduced, stored in a retrieval system or transmitted without prior written permission. Inquiries should be addressed to the publisher.
This report provides a brief overview of the offences that an individual who sexually abuses a ch... more This report provides a brief overview of the offences that an individual who sexually abuses a child in an institutional setting may be charged with at the end of 2015. It provides information for each of the identified offences; these include the location of the offence in the respective state or territory's legislation, the age of the victim and aggravating factors.
Trends and issues in crime and criminal justice, Sep 10, 2014
In 2010, approximately 5,000 individuals and organisations reported being the victim of armed rob... more In 2010, approximately 5,000 individuals and organisations reported being the victim of armed robbery (Borzycki & Fuller 2014). After assault and sexual assault, armed robbery is the third most common violent crime reported; a trend that has remained consistent over the last 10 years (AIC 2013). However, armed robbery is unique when compared with other types of violence due to its overlap with property crime. Specifically, while armed robbery involves the use or threat of force or violence, the primary purpose is to deprive the individual or organisation of their property (Pink 2011). A such, an incident of armed robbery can have both immediate and long-term psychological and economic ramifications for the victim. Therefore, the prevention of armed robbery remains a key focus of business groups, as well as law enforcement agencies. In order to develop effective crime prevention strategies, it is necessary to acknowledge the heterogeneous nature of armed robbery. Incidents of armed robbery can vary depending on whether the victim was a person or an organisation, whether the offender was armed with a knife, firearm or other weapon, or whether the offence occurred on the street or in a commercial premise (Borzycki & Fuller 2014; Mouzos & Borzycki 2003). Therefore, understanding the qualitative differences between incidents is vital in order to avoid implementing ineffective and generic approaches to armed robbery prevention. Previous profiles of armed robbery have almost exclusively focused on the offender. Research conducted in Australia and overseas has examined the characteristics and motivations of offenders in order to explain the variations in robbery (see Gabor et al. 1987;
Apart from any fair dealing for the purpose of private study, research, criticism or review, as p... more Apart from any fair dealing for the purpose of private study, research, criticism or review, as permitted under the Copyright Act 1968 (Cth), no part of this publication may in any form or by any means (electronic, mechanical, microcopying, photocopying, recording or otherwise) be reproduced, stored in a retrieval system or transmitted without prior written permission. Inquiries should be addressed to the publisher.
Trends and issues in crime and criminal justice, Mar 1, 2016
Violence does not always only affect the primary victim. The consequences of violent crime can ra... more Violence does not always only affect the primary victim. The consequences of violent crime can radiate out, affecting the victim's family, friends, colleagues, community and even, in some instances, wider society. This effect is referred to as vicarious or secondary victimisation (Christiansen, Bak & Elklit 2012; Cooney et al. 2011; Remer & Fergusson 1995). In other areas of research, secondary victimisation refers to the retraumatisation of the original victim-for example, through interactions with the criminal justice system or social stigma (Campbell & Raja 1999; Campbell et al. 2001). For the purposes of this research, however, secondary victims are defined as persons who, though not the primary victim of the crime, have suffered some form of vicarious trauma as a result (Fuller 2015a).Research on secondary victimisation has largely focused on the trauma experienced by psychologists, social workers and other individuals who work closely with victims of crime (for recent studies see Perron & Hiltz 2006; Salston & Figley 2003; Ullman & Townsend 2007). However, very little research has examined the impact of crime on the victim's family, friends and community. This is an important oversight, given the widespread acceptance of the central role of family and friends in supporting the primary victim (Aherns & Campbell 2000; Cyr et al. 2002; Godbout, Briere, Sabourin & Lussier 2014; Orchowski & Gidycz 2012; Foster 2014; Tremblay, Hebert & Piche 1999). Failing to recognise the impact an act of violence may have on these secondary victims limits our understanding of the efficacy of informal support offered to victims more generally. As Aherns and Campbell (2000: 960) noted: '[t]he ability to be supportive and avoid negative responses may be hampered if helpers are burdened by their own emotions.' Ensuring a victim of crime has adequate support should be one of the goals of any after-care program.Due to the nature of such offences and the vulnerabilities associated with their age, primary victims of child sexual assault (CSA) require considerable support post-incident. Nonoffending parents and other close family members can find themselves the main source of support while also dealing with their own feelings about the crime.This research examines two key aspects of secondary victimisation in this context. The first is how CSA impacts the parents of victims, focusing on their emotional responses to the sexual assault. The second is how these responses shape the way parents help their child cope with the sexual assault. This research uses qualitative information gathered as part of the Australian Institute of Criminology's (AIC) Database of Victimisation Experiences (DoVE) to examine the impact of CSA on a sample of 26 non-offending individual parents. The sample comprises both mothers and fathers of victims, and provides valuable insight into how crimes of this nature affect those closest to the victim.Informal support for victims of CSAThe experience of crime can present a serious challenge to an individual's sense of self and safety (Fuller 2015b; Janoff-Bulman 1985). In particular, the experience of violence has been linked to the development of post-traumatic stress disorder (PTSD; Betts, Williams, Najman & Alati 2013; Harrison & Kinnear 1998), mental health issues such as anxiety and depression (Coker et al. 2002; Cook, David & Grant 1999) and functional difficulties in intimate and social relationships, as well as other areas such as employment (Fuller 2015b; Hanson, Sawyer, Begle & Hubel 2010).Beitchman, Zucker, DaCosta and Akman's (1991) review of the literature found victims of CSA shared similar short-term responses to child victims of other types of violence, though some reactions were age-specific. Behavioural disturbances were less noticeable in preschoolers, although age-inappropriate sexual behaviour was common. Among adolescents, however, the behavioural and psychological disturbances associated with CSA tended to be more apparent. …
Trends and issues in crime and criminal justice, Jan 14, 2019
This study analyses the criminal histories of Australian organised crime offenders. Most offender... more This study analyses the criminal histories of Australian organised crime offenders. Most offenders associated with organised crime groups did not commit their first offence until adulthood; nearly one-third were aged 25 years or older when they committed their first offence. Offending was most common, and remained relatively stable, throughout their 20s and early 30s. Offending frequency gradually increased during this period, as did the seriousness of offences committed. Age at first offence and prevalence of offending varied by crime type. Certain offences—particularly those associated with organised crime— were more common among older offenders. As the first attempt to analyse the criminal histories of organised crime offenders in Australia, this study offers new insights into the extent, nature and seriousness of offending, which will help shape policy responses to organised crime.
Trends and issues in crime and criminal justice, Aug 12, 2015
In 2012, there were 116,105 recorded victims of physical assault in New South Wales, South Austra... more In 2012, there were 116,105 recorded victims of physical assault in New South Wales, South Australia, Western Australia, the Northern Territory and the Australian Capital Territory combined (ABS 2013); equating to a victimisation rate of 969 per 100,000 population. This reflects a trend that has been consistent for the last 18 years of police recorded crime statistics, where physical assault has had the highest rate of victimisation of any of the four major types of violent crime (ie homicide, physical assault, sexual assault and robbery; AIC 2014). Estimates provided by the ABS' Crime Victimisation Survey provide further insight into the nature of physical assault in Australia. In 2012-13, there was an estimated 498,000 people over the age of 15 years who were the victim of a physical assault. An estimated 60 percent (n=294,100) of these were male, while individuals aged less than 34 years were more likely to have been assaulted compared with any other age group (ABS 2014). Females were more likely to be victimised in the home by a family member, whereas males were more commonly assaulted by a stranger in place of recreation (ie pubs or nightclubs) or on the street (ABS 2014). Yet despite these statistics, the narrow focus of academia and policy on particular types of violence has resulted in the impact of some forms of physical assault being somewhat overlooked. For example, the negative consequences of experiencing domestic violence or sexual assault have been extensively studied. Briefly, the experience of domestic or intimate partner violence has been associated with the development of a wide range of negative outcomes including mental health issues, feelings of shame or guilt and difficulties relating to men (see Ansara & Hindin 2011; Coker et al. 2002; Roberts et al 1998). Similar negative consequences have been found for sexual abuse, as well as other effects such as difficulties in interpersonal relationships, particularly around sexual functioning (see
Trends and issues in crime and criminal justice, Apr 22, 2016
Over the last 10 years the frequency of airline travel in Australia has increased. In 2014, 33.1 ... more Over the last 10 years the frequency of airline travel in Australia has increased. In 2014, 33.1 million Australian passengers travelled internationally and almost double that amount-60.13 million passengers-travelled domestically (BURE 2015a; BURE 2015b). The majority of short-term international departures of Australian residents in 2013-14 were for holidays (60%), followed by visiting friends and relatives (23%), business (10%), and other reasons such as employment, education or attending conferences (7%; Australian Bureau of Statistics 2014).Airlines are regularly called on to respond to and manage unruly passenger incidents. The term ?unruly passenger' is used here to denote all passengers who, through their demeanour, behaviour or failure to comply with cabin crew directions, present a threat to the safety or security of the aircraft or those on board, but who are not engaged in an act of sabotage or terrorism. In June 2015, the Australian Institute of Criminology (AIC) held a roundtable discussion with representatives of the Australian Federal Police (AFP), regulatory and governing bodies, and five Australian airlines that provide international and/ or domestic services to metropolitan, regional and remote areas. The aim of the roundtable was to examine the nature and frequency of, and responses to, unruly passenger incidents in Australia. As the roundtable was focused on discussing industry-wide policy and practice relating to unruly passenger management, one executive-level representative with responsibility for safety and security from each industry stakeholder was Invited to attend.A representative of one of the major airlines estimated it dealt with approximately 30 unruly passenger incidents per month. Given the high volume of passengers transported every month, this is a small but consistent issue for the airline. The severity of these incidents varied; they included cases of onboard smoking, failure to comply with instructions, failure to fasten seatbelts, Intoxication, and offensive and disorderly conduct. Roundtable participants indicated disruptive and noncompliant passenger incidents were more common across the represented airlines than incidents involving aggression or violence.The current rate of unruly passenger incidents was reported to be lower than that of seven or eight years ago. Roundtable participants attributed this success to a suite of strategies implemented by the airlines, as well as the high level of collaboration across and between airlines, the police and regulatory bodies. However, roundtable participants reported a number of knowledge gaps and issues that, if addressed, may further reduce the rate of unruly passenger incidents, with related safety and security implications.The nature of unruly passenger incidentsOther than the classified internal reporting and review conducted by airlines, there is limited publicly available research examining Australian incidents of unruly passengers. However, there has been much international research on responding to and managing air-rage incidents. Definitions of air rage vary slightly between studies, but it is generally used as an umbrella term to describe any behaviour on an aircraft that interferes with cabin crew in the conduct of their duties, disrupts the aircraft's safe operation or risks the safety of those on board, excluding premeditated acts of sabotage or terrorism (Anglin et al. 2003; Schaaf 2001). The term air rage covers the types of unruly passenger incidents discussed by Australian airlines at the roundtable; thus, findings from air-rage research may inform the discussion of Australian unruly passenger incidents.A study from the United States found the factors that contribute to the likelihood of an air-rage incident can be gathered into three groups:* the first group is passenger-related factors such as mental health, personality or substance use;* the second group is environmental factors such as temperature, physical confinement or the activities of the crew or other passengers; and* the third group is airport or carrier factors such as poor service by ground staff or cabin baggage restrictions (Pierson et al. …
Victims & Offenders
This study used the interpersonal circumplex (IPC)-a probabilistic model of human behavior during... more This study used the interpersonal circumplex (IPC)-a probabilistic model of human behavior during social interactions-to conceptualize victim behavior during physically assaultive crime (domestic violence, physical assault, and sexual assault). Using data from the Australian Database of Victimisation Experiences, 101 victim behaviors were identified across a sample of 150 victim narratives. Categorical Principal Components Analysis and Smallest Space Analysis found that victim behavior during physically assaultive crime aligned with the IPC's four behavioral styles: dominance, submissive, hostility, and cooperation. These findings provide new opportunities to explore victim agency including how victims may influence the offender and situation.
Victims & Offenders, 2023
This study used the interpersonal circumplex (IPC) – a probabilistic model of human behavior duri... more This study used the interpersonal circumplex (IPC) – a probabilistic model of human behavior during social interactions – to conceptualize victim behavior during physically assaultive crime (domestic violence, physical assault, and sexual assault). Using data from the Australian Database of Victimisation Experiences, 101 victim behaviors were identified across a sample of 150 victim narratives. Categorical Principal Components Analysis and Smallest Space Analysis found that victim behavior during physically assaultive crime aligned with the IPC’s four behavioral styles: dominance, submissive, hostility, and cooperation. These findings provide new opportunities to explore victim agency including how victims may influence the offender and situation.
Australian Institute of Criminology, Mar 29, 2016
Introduction In 2013, the Australian Institute of Criminology (AIC) was contracted by the Royal C... more Introduction In 2013, the Australian Institute of Criminology (AIC) was contracted by the Royal Commission into Institutional Responses to Child Sexual Abuse (the Commission) to undertake a review of sexual offence legislation in Australia, particularly as it related to children. This review (Boxall, 2014) contained detailed information about all legislation that had been enacted as at 31 December 2013. Since the initial report was published, a number of states and territories have revised or updated legislation pertaining to sexual offences in Australia. Therefore, in October 2015, the Commission contracted the AIC to update the previous review to encompass all legislation enacted as at 31 December 2015. Any legislative changes made after this date are not included in this review. Key changes that have occurred since 31 December 2013 include; Victoria: changes have been made to the definition of sexual penetration (Crimes Act 1958); inclusion of additional offences including ‘failure by a person in authority to protect child from sexual offence’ and ‘failure to disclose sexual offence committed against child under the age of 16 years’ (Crimes Act 1958); New South Wales: Crimes Act 1900 was amended to increase the penalty for ‘sexual intercourse - child under 10’ from 25 years to life imprisonment; and Australian Capital Territory: Crimes Act 1900 was amended to change the terminology from ‘child pornography’ to ‘child exploitation material’. Structure and scope of this report This report provides a brief overview of the offences that an individual who sexually abuses a child in an institutional setting may be charged with at the end of 2015. Information provided for each of the identified offences includes: the location of the offence in the respective state or territory’s legislation; the age of the victim (where relevant); aggravating factors—for the purpose of this review, restricted to factors relating to: the age of the child; the relationship between the offender and victim; whether the victim has an intellectual impairment, physical disability or mental illness; and the maximum penalty. The offences included in this review have been divided into a six sections: contact sexual offences where the child is below the legal age of consent (16, 17 or 18 years old depending on the jurisdiction and nature of the sexual act); contact sexual offences where the child is above the legal age of consent; contact sexual offences where the age of the victim is not specified; non-contact sexual offences; child pornography offences (production); and offences for which institutions and/or their representatives that were aware of child sexual abuse may be charged. Consistent with the previous report, only offences related to individuals located within Australia are included in this review
| Forecasting the nature and form that the Australian illicit drug market will take by the start ... more | Forecasting the nature and form that the Australian illicit drug market will take by the start of 2018 based on the opinions of police detainees who engage with illicit drug markets as users and suppliers provides a unique perspective on likely market fluctuations and influences. Police detainees predicted that by the start of 2018 the most likely changes and greatest impacts will occur within the cannabis and methamphetamine markets, with the heroin market remaining relatively stable. Improvements in cultivation technology and the emergence of new cannabis strains were predicted to impact the cannabis market. An increase in the number of injecting methamphetamine users was predicted to have high impact on the methamphetamine market in terms of health and crime costs to the user and community. Predicting market influences supports government, law enforcement and health sectors to proactively develop strategies to address future challenges in the Australian illicit drug market. Police detainee predictions on future Australian illicit drug market influences Georgina Fuller, Susan Goldsmid & Eileen Patterson
A considerable proportion of a police officer’s time involves interactions with persons who are i... more A considerable proportion of a police officer’s time involves interactions with persons who are intoxicated or under the influence of alcohol and other drugs. The risks associated with intoxication are not limited to the affected individual as their behaviour may also present risks to the police and other frontline service personnel or to the public in general. This research explored the range of strategies that have been adopted by the police in four jurisdictions across Australia to manage those risks. The primary aim was to develop a best practice framework to help guide the development of police policies and practices in identifying, responding to and managing intoxication and withdrawal. The C.A.L.M framework comprises four, non-sequential phases (Control, Assess, Liaise and Manage). It is designed to assist the police in identifying risks and considerations related to intoxication and withdrawal during each stage of offender management. The C.A.L.M framework is not intended to replace existing police procedures, but rather to provide a consistent framework from which policies and practices can be built, reviewed and collaborated on across jurisdictions. Regular engagement across police jurisdictions was identified as important in the development and maintenance of best practice. The C.A.L.M framework provides an evidence-based foundation that promotes consistency and knowledge sharing across Australian police jurisdictions to aid the police in the management of intoxicated offenders.
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Papers by Georgina Fuller