Código de Hamurabi

Código de Hamurabi
O Código de Hamurabi é um texto legal babilônico composto durante 1755–1750 a.C. É o texto
legal mais longo, mais bem organizado e mais bem preservado do antigo Oriente Próximo . Foi
escrito no dialeto babilônico antigo do acadiano , supostamente por Hamurabi , sexto rei da
Primeira Dinastia da Babilônia . A cópia primária do texto está inscrita em uma estela de basalto
1
de 2,25 m (7 pés 4 pol.) ⁄ pol.) de altura.
2
A estela foi redescoberta em 1901 no local de Susa , no atual Irã, onde foi tomada como
pilhagem seiscentos anos após sua criação. O texto em si foi copiado e estudado por escribas
mesopotâmicos por mais de um milênio. A estela agora reside no Museu do Louvre .
O topo da estela apresenta uma imagem em relevo de Hamurabi com Shamash , o deus-sol
babilônico e deus da justiça. Abaixo do relevo há cerca de 4.130 linhas de texto cuneiforme : um
quinto contém um prólogo e epílogo em estilo poético, enquanto os quatro quintos restantes
contêm o que geralmente é chamado de leis. No prólogo, Hamurabi afirma ter recebido seu
governo dos deuses "para impedir que os fortes oprimissem os fracos". As leis são casuísticas ,
expressas como sentenças condicionais "se ... então" . Seu escopo é amplo, incluindo, por
exemplo, direito penal , direito de família , direito de propriedade e direito comercial .
Estudiosos modernos responderam ao Código com admiração por sua justiça percebida e
respeito pelo estado de direito , e pela complexidade da sociedade da Antiga Babilônia. Houve
também muita discussão sobre sua influência na Lei Mosaica . Estudiosos rapidamente
identificaram lex talionis — o princípio do "olho por olho" — subjacente às duas coleções. O
debate entre assiriólogos desde então se centrou em vários aspectos do Código: seu propósito,
seus princípios subjacentes, sua linguagem e sua relação com coleções de leis anteriores e
posteriores.
Apesar da incerteza em torno dessas questões, Hamurabi é considerado fora da Assiriologia

como uma figura importante na história do direito e o documento como um verdadeiro código
legal. O Capitólio dos EUA tem um retrato em relevo de Hamurabi ao lado daqueles de outros
legisladores históricos. Há réplicas da estela em inúmeras instituições, incluindo a sede das
Nações Unidas na cidade de Nova York e o Museu de Pérgamo em Berlim .
Fundo Código de Hamurabi
Hamurabi
Território babilônico antes (vermelho)

e depois (laranja) do reinado de
Hamurabi
Hamurabi (ou Hamurapi), o sexto rei da

Primeira Dinastia Amorita da Babilônia , A estela do Louvre
governou de 1792 a 1750 a.C. ( cronologia

Criado c. 1792–1750 a.C. (
média ). Ele garantiu o domínio babilônico cronologia média )
sobre a planície mesopotâmica por meio de
Localização O Louvre , Paris ,
proezas militares, diplomacia e traição.
França
Quando Hamurabi herdou o trono de seu pai
(originalmente Sippar
Sin-Muballit , [ 3 ] a Babilônia tinha pouca
, Mesopotâmia (atual
influência local; o hegemon local era Rim-Sin Iraque ), encontrado
de Larsa . Hamurabi esperou até que Rim-Sin em Susa , Irã )
envelhecesse, então conquistou seu território Réplicas: várias
em uma campanha rápida, deixando sua
Autor(es) Rei Hamurabi da
organização intacta. [ 4 ] Mais tarde, Hamurabi
Babilônia
traiu aliados em Eshnunna , Elam e Mari para
ganhar seus territórios. [ 5 ] Tipo de mídia Estela de basalto
[1][2]
Hamurabi tinha uma política externa

Assunto Lei, justiça
agressiva, mas suas cartas sugerem que ele
estava preocupado com o bem-estar de seus Propósito Debatido: legislação ,
muitos súditos e estava interessado em lei e relatório de lei ou
[6]
justiça. Ele encomendou extensas obras de jurisprudência
construção e, em suas cartas, frequentemente
Texto completo
se apresenta como o pastor de seu povo. [ 7 ] A
justiça também é um tema do prólogo do Código de Hamurabi no Wikisource
Código, [ 8 ] e "a palavra traduzida como 'justiça' [ ešērum ]... é aquela cuja raiz percorre tanto o
prólogo quanto o epílogo". [ 9 ]
Coleções de leis anteriores
Embora o Código de Hamurabi tenha sido a primeira coleção de leis mesopotâmicas a ser
descoberta, não foi a primeira escrita; várias coleções anteriores sobreviveram. Essas coleções
foram escritas em sumério e acadiano . Elas também pretendem ter sido escritas por
governantes. Era quase certo que havia mais coleções desse tipo, já que declarações de outros
governantes sugerem que o costume era generalizado. [ 10 ] As semelhanças entre essas
coleções de leis tornam tentador assumir um sistema legal subjacente consistente. [ 10 ] Assim
como no Código de Hamurabi, no entanto, é difícil interpretar o propósito e os sistemas legais
subjacentes dessas coleções anteriores, levando vários estudiosos a questionar se isso deveria
ser tentado. [ 11 ] As coleções existentes incluem:
O Código de Ur-Nammu de Ur .
O Código de Lipit-Ishtar de Isin .
As Leis de Eshnunna (escritas por Bilalama ou por Dadusha ).
Outra coleção, que Martha Roth chama de "Leis de X", [ 12 ] mas que pode ser simplesmente o
fim do Código de Ur-Nammu. [ 13 ]
Existem também milhares de documentos da prática do direito, de antes e durante o período da

Antiga Babilônia. Esses documentos incluem contratos, decisões judiciais, cartas sobre casos
legais e documentos de reforma, como o de Urukagina , rei de Lagash em meados do terceiro
milênio a.C., cujas reformas combateram a corrupção. A Mesopotâmia tem o corpus jurídico
sobrevivente mais abrangente de antes do Digesto de Justiniano , mesmo em comparação com
aqueles da Grécia e Roma antigas . [ 14 ]
Cópias
Estela do Louvre
A escavação da acrópole de A Cidade Real (esquerda) e a Acrópole (direita) de
Susa em 1897-1898, quatro Susa em 2007
anos antes do Código ter sido
encontrado no local
A primeira cópia do texto encontrada, e ainda a mais completa, está em uma placa de 2,25 m (7
pés 4 pol.).1⁄2 in) stele. The stele is now displayed on the ground floor of the Louvre, in Room
227 of the Richelieu wing.[15] At the top is an image of Hammurabi with Shamash, the Babylonian
sun god and god of justice. Below the image are about 4,130 lines of cuneiform text: One fifth
contain a prologue and epilogue, while the remaining four fifths contain what are generally called
the laws.[16] Near the bottom, seven columns of the laws, each with more than eighty lines, were
polished and erased in antiquity.[17] The stele was found in three large fragments and
reconstructed.[18] It is 225 cm (7 ft 41⁄2 in) high, with a circumference is 165 cm (5 ft 5 in) at the
summit and 190 cm (6 ft 3 in) at the base.[18] Hammurabi's image is 65 cm (2 ft 11⁄2 in) high and
60 cm (1 ft 111⁄2 in) wide.[18]
The Louvre stele was found at the site of the ancient Elamite city of Susa. Susa is in modern-day
Khuzestan Province, Iran (Persia at the time of excavation). The stele was excavated by the
French Archaeological Mission under the direction of Jacques de Morgan.[19] Father Jean-
Vincent Scheil published the initial report in the fourth volume of the Reports of the Delegation to
Persia (Mémoires de la Délégation en Perse). According to Scheil, the stele's fragments were
found on the tell of the Susa acropolis (l'Acropole de Suse), between December 1901 and January
1902.[18] The few, large fragments made assembly easy.[18]
Scheil levantou a hipótese de que a estela havia sido levada para Susa pelo rei elamita Shutruk-
Nakhunte e que ele havia encomendado o apagamento de várias colunas de leis para escrever
sua lenda lá. [ 18 ] Foi proposto que a parte em relevo da estela, especialmente as barbas de
Hamurabi e Shamash, foi retrabalhada ao mesmo tempo. [ 20 ] Roth sugere que a estela foi
tomada como pilhagem de Sippar, [ 21 ] onde Hamurabi viveu no final de seu reinado. [ 22 ]
Outras cópias
Fragmentos de uma segunda e possivelmente terceira estela registrando o Código foram

encontrados junto com a estela do Louvre em Susa. [ 23 ] Mais de cinquenta manuscritos
contendo as leis são conhecidos. Eles foram encontrados não apenas em Susa, mas também na
Babilônia, Nínive , Assur , Borsipa , Nippur , Sippar , Ur, Larsa e mais. [ 24 ] Cópias foram criadas
durante o reinado de Hamurabi, e também depois dele, uma vez que o texto se tornou parte do
currículo dos escribas. [ 25 ] Cópias foram encontradas datando de mil anos após a criação da
estela, [ 17 ] e um catálogo da biblioteca do rei neoassírio Assurbanipal (685–631 aC) lista uma
cópia dos "julgamentos de Hamurabi". [ 26 ] As cópias adicionais preenchem a maior parte do
texto original da estela, incluindo grande parte da seção apagada. [ 17 ]
Bolsa de estudos inicial
Padre Jean-Vincent Scheil , primeiro

editor moderno do Código
A editio princeps do Código foi publicada pelo Padre Jean-Vincent Scheil em 1902, [ 27 ] no quarto
volume dos Relatórios da Delegação na Pérsia ( Mémoires de la Délégation en Perse ). Após uma
breve introdução com detalhes da escavação, [ 28 ] Scheil deu uma transliteração e uma tradução
livre para o francês, [ 29 ] bem como uma seleção de imagens. [ 30 ] Edições em outras línguas
logo se seguiram: em alemão por Hugo Winckler em 1902, [ 31 ] em inglês por CHW Johns em
1903, [ 32 ] e em italiano por Pietro Bonfante, também em 1903. [ 33 ]
The Code was thought to be the earliest Mesopotamian law collection when it was rediscovered
in 1902—for example, C. H. W. Johns' 1903 book was titled The Oldest Code of Laws in the
World.[32] The English writer H. G. Wells included Hammurabi in the first volume of The Outline of
History, and to Wells too the Code was "the earliest known code of law".[34] However, three earlier
collections were rediscovered afterwards: the Code of Lipit-Ishtar in 1947, the Laws of Eshnunna
in 1948, and the Code of Ur-Nammu in 1952.[35] Early commentators dated Hammurabi and the
stele to the 23rd century BC.[36] However, this is an earlier estimate than even the "ultra-long
chronology" would support. The Code was compiled near the end of Hammurabi's reign.[37] This
was deduced partly from the list of his achievements in the prologue.[38]
Scheil entusiasmou-se com a importância da estela e com a sua justiça percebida, chamando-a
de "uma obra-prima moral e política". [ 18 ] CHW Johns chamou-a de "um dos monumentos mais
importantes da história da raça humana". [ 39 ] Ele observou que "há muitas cláusulas
humanitárias e muita proteção é dada aos fracos e desamparados", [ 40 ] e até elogiou uma
"maravilhosa modernidade de espírito". [ 41 ] John Dyneley Prince chamou a redescoberta do
Código de "o evento mais importante que ocorreu no desenvolvimento da ciência assiriológica
desde os dias de Rawlinson e Layard ". [ 42 ] Charles Francis Horne elogiou o "sábio legislador" e
seu "célebre código". [ 43 ] James Henry Breasted observou a "justiça do Código para com a viúva,
o órfão e os pobres", mas observou que ele "também permite que muitas das velhas e ingênuas
ideias de justiça permaneçam". [ 44 ] Os comentadores elogiaram a sociedade avançada que
acreditavam que o Código evidenciava. [ 45 ] Vários destacaram o secularismo percebido : Owen
Jenkins, [ 46 ] por exemplo, mas até mesmo Charles Souvay para a Enciclopédia Católica , que
opinou que, ao contrário da Lei Mosaica, o Código foi "fundado nos ditames da razão". [ 27 ] A
questão da influência do Código na Lei Mosaica recebeu muita atenção inicial. [ 47 ] Os
estudiosos também identificaram Hamurabi com a figura bíblica Anrafel , [ 48 ] mas esta proposta
foi abandonada desde então. [ 49 ]
Quadro
Alívio
O relevo na estela do Louvre
O relevo parece mostrar Hamurabi em pé diante de um Shamash sentado. [ 23 ] Shamash usa a

coroa com chifres da divindade [ 50 ] e tem um atributo solar, chamas, [ 51 ] jorrando de seus
ombros. [ 52 ] Em contraste, Scheil, em sua editio princeps , [ 27 ] identificou a figura sentada como
Hamurabi e a figura em pé como Shamash. [ 18 ] Scheil também sustentou que a cena mostrava
Shamash ditando a Hamurabi enquanto Hamurabi segurava um estilete de escriba , olhando
atentamente para o deus. [ 18 ] Martha Roth lista outras interpretações: "que o rei está oferecendo
as leis ao deus; que o rei está aceitando ou oferecendo os emblemas de soberania da vara e do
anel; ou - mais provavelmente - que esses emblemas são as ferramentas de medição da vara-
medida e da corda-medida usadas na construção de templos". [ 53 ] Hamurabi pode até estar
imitando Shamash. [ 54 ] É certo, porém, que o desenhista mostrou os laços estreitos de
Hamurabi com o reino divino, [ 55 ] usando composição e iconografia. [ 56 ]
Prólogo
O prólogo e o epílogo juntos ocupam um quinto do texto. De cerca de 4.130 linhas, o prólogo
ocupa 300 linhas e o epílogo ocupa 500. [ 16 ] Eles estão em composição de anel em torno das
leis, embora não haja nenhuma quebra visual que os distinga das leis. [ 57 ] Ambos são escritos
em estilo poético, [ 58 ] e, como William W. Davies escreveu, "contêm muito ... o que soa muito
como fanfarronice". [ 59 ]
O prólogo de 300 linhas começa com uma etiologia da autoridade real de Hamurabi (1–49).
Anum , o deus do céu babilônico e rei dos deuses , concedeu o governo sobre a humanidade a
Marduk . Marduk escolheu o centro de seu poder terrestre para ser a Babilônia, que no mundo
real o adorava como seu deus tutelar . Marduk estabeleceu o ofício de realeza dentro da
Babilônia. Finalmente, Anum, junto com o deus do vento babilônico Enlil , escolheu Hamurabi
para ser o rei da Babilônia. Hamurabi deveria governar "para impedir que os fortes oprimissem
os fracos" (37–39: dannum enšam ana lā ḫabālim ). Ele deveria se erguer como Shamash sobre
os mesopotâmicos (os ṣalmāt qaqqadim , literalmente o "povo de cabeça preta") e iluminar a
terra (40–44). [ 60 ] [ nota 1 ]
Hamurabi então lista suas realizações e virtudes (50–291). Estas são expressas em forma de
substantivo, na construção de frase nominal acádia de primeira pessoa do singular "
[substantivo] ... anāku " ("Eu sou [substantivo]"). [ 61 ] A primeira frase nominal (50–53) é curta:
"Eu sou Hamurabi, o pastor, selecionado pelo deus Enlil" ( ḫammurabi rē'ûm nibīt enlil anāku ).
Então Hamurabi continua por mais de 200 linhas em uma única frase nominal com o anāku
atrasado até o final (291). [ 62 ] [ nota 1 ]
Hamurabi repetidamente se autodenomina na'dum , "piedoso" (linhas 61, 149, 241 e 272). A
metáfora de Hamurabi como pastor de seu povo também é recorrente. Era uma metáfora
comum para os antigos reis do Oriente Próximo , mas talvez seja justificada pelo interesse de
Hamurabi nos assuntos de seus súditos. [ 63 ] Suas afinidades com muitos deuses diferentes são
enfatizadas ao longo do texto. Ele é retratado como zeloso na restauração e manutenção de
templos e inigualável no campo de batalha. A lista de suas realizações ajudou a estabelecer que
o texto foi escrito no final do reinado de Hamurabi. Após a lista, Hamurabi explica que atendeu
ao pedido de Marduk de estabelecer "verdade e justiça" ( kittam u mīšaram ) para o povo (292–
302), embora o prólogo nunca faça referência direta às leis. [ 64 ] O prólogo termina "naquele
momento:" (303: inūmišu ) e as leis começam. [ 65 ] [ nota 1 ]
Epílogo
Ea/Enki , deus da sabedoria a quem

Hamurabi implora para confundir
qualquer desfigurador de sua estela,
retratado em um selo cilíndrico c.
2300 a.C.
Ao contrário do prólogo, o epílogo de 500 linhas está explicitamente relacionado às leis. [ 64 ] O

epílogo começa (3144'–3151'): "estas são as decisões justas que Hamurabi ... estabeleceu" (
dīnāt mīšarim ša ḫammurabi... ukinnu-ma ). Ele exalta suas leis e sua magnanimidade (3152'–
3239'). [ 66 ] Ele então expressa a esperança de que "qualquer homem injustiçado que tenha um
processo" ( awīlum ḫablum ša awātam iraššû ) possa ter as leis da estela lidas em voz alta para
ele e conhecer seus direitos (3240'–3256'). [ 67 ] Isso traria louvor a Hamurabi (3257'–3275') e
favor divino (3276'–3295'). [ 68 ] Hamurabi deseja boa sorte para qualquer governante que atenda
seus pronunciamentos e respeite sua estela (3296'–3359'). [ 69 ] No entanto, ele invoca a ira dos
deuses sobre qualquer homem que desobedeça ou apague seus pronunciamentos (3360'–
3641', o fim do texto). [ 70 ] [ nota 1 ]
O epílogo contém muitas imagens legais, e a frase "para impedir que os fortes oprimam os
fracos" (3202'–3203': dannum enšam ana lā ḫabālim ) [ 71 ] é reutilizada do prólogo. No entanto, a
principal preocupação do rei parece ser garantir que suas realizações não sejam esquecidas e
seu nome não seja manchado. [ 72 ] A lista de maldições lançadas sobre qualquer futuro
desfigurador tem 281 linhas e é extremamente forte. Algumas das maldições são muito vívidas:
"que o deus Sin ... decrete para ele uma vida que não seja melhor que a morte" (3486'–3508':
sîn... balāṭam ša itti mūtim šitannu ana šīmtim lišīmšum ); [ 73 ] "que ele [o futuro desfigurador]
conclua cada dia, mês e ano de seu reinado com gemidos e luto" (3497'–3501': ūmī warḫī šanāt
palēšu ina tānēḫim u dimmatim lišaqti ); [ 73 ] que ele experimente "o derramamento de sua força
vital como água" (3435'–3436': tabāk napištišu kīma mê ). [ 74 ] Hamurabi implora a uma
variedade de deuses individualmente para voltar seus atributos particulares contra o
desfigurador. Por exemplo: "que o deus [da tempestade] Adad ... o prive dos benefícios da chuva
do céu e das inundações das fontes" (3509'–3515': adad... zunnī ina šamê mīlam ina nagbim
līṭeršu ); [ 73 ] "que o deus [da sabedoria] Ea ... o prive de todo entendimento e sabedoria, e que
ele o leve à confusão" (3440'–3451': ea... uznam u nēmeqam līṭeršu-ma ina mīšītim littarrūšu ).
[ 74 ] [ nota 1 ]
Deuses e deusas são invocados nesta ordem: [ 70 ]
1. Ânus (3387'–3394') 8. Zababa (3526'–3536')
2. Enlil (3395'–3422') 9. Istar (3537'–3573')
3. Ninlil (3423'–3439') 10. Nergal (3574'–3589')
4. Ea (3440'–3458') 11. Nintu (3590'–3599')
5. Shamash (3459'–3485') 12. Ninkarrak (3600'–3619')
6. Pecado (3486'–3508') 13. Todos os deuses (3620'–3635')
7. Ádade (3509'–3525') 14. Enlil, uma segunda vez (3636'–3641')
Leis
The Code of Hammurabi is the longest and best-organised legal text from the ancient Near
East,[75] as well as the best-preserved.[76] The classification below (columns 1–3) is Driver &
Miles',[77] with several amendments, and Roth's translation is used.[78] Laws represented by
letters are those reconstructed primarily from documents other than the Louvre stele.
Legal areas covered in the Code of Hammurabi, along with specific provisions and examples [hide]
Example Example
Legal area Laws Specific provisions
(English) (Akkadian)
If a man
accuses šumma
another man awīlum
and charges awīlam
Offences
false charges (1–2) him with ubbir-ma
against the
1–5 false testimony (3–4) homicide, but nērtam elišu
administration
falsification of judgement (5) cannot bring iddi-ma lā
of law
proof against uktīnšu
him, his mubbiršu
accuser shall iddâk (1)
[79]
be killed. (1)
šumma
If a man breaks
stealing and receiving stolen property (6–13) awīlum
into a house,
kidnapping (14) bītam ipluš
they shall kill
Property harbouring fugitive slaves (15–20) ina pāni
6–25 him and hang
offences breaking and entering (21) pilšim šuāti
him(?) in front
burglary (22–24) idukkūšu-ma
of that very
looting burning houses (25) iḫallalūšu
breach. (21)[80]
(21)
Land and 26–k tenure of fiefs (26–41) If a man has a šumma

houses duties of farmers (42–48) debt lodged awīlum
debts of farmers (49–52) against him, ḫubullum
irrigation offences (53–56) and the storm- elišu ibašši-
cattle trespass (57–58) god Adad ma eqelšu
cutting down trees (59) devastates his adad irtaḫiṣ
care of date orchards (60–a) field or a flood u lū
offences connected with houses (b–k) sweeps away bibbulum
the crops, or itbal u lū ina
there is no grain lā mê še'um
grown in the ina eqlim lā
field due to ittabši ina
insufficient šattim šuāti
water—in that še'am ana
year he will not bēl ḫubullišu
repay grain to ul utār
his creditor; he ṭuppašu
shall suspend uraṭṭab u
performance of ṣibtam ša
his contract šattim šuāti
[literally "wet ul inaddin
his clay tablet"] (48)
and he will not
give interest
payments for
that year.
(48)[81]
If a merchant
should give
šumma
silver to a
tamkārum
trading agent
ana
for an
šamallim
investment
kaspam ana
loans and trade (l–107) venture, and he
tadmiqtim
innkeeping (108–111) [the trading
ittadin-ma
Commerce l–126 fraud by couriers (112) agent] incurs a
ašar illiku
distraint and pledge of persons for debt (113–119) loss on his
bitiqtam
safe custody or deposit (120–126) journeys, he
ītamar
shall return
qaqqad
silver to the
kaspim ana
merchant in the
tamkārim
amount of the
utār (102)
capital sum.
(102)[82]
slander of ugbabtum-priestesses or married women (127)

definition of "married woman" (128)
adultery (129–132)
remarriage in husbands' absence (133–136)
divorce (137–143)
marriage to nadītum-women (144–147)
maintenance of sick wives (148–149) If a man takes šumma
gifts from husbands to wives (150) in adoption a awīlum
liability of spouses for debt (151–152) young child at ṣeḫram ina
murder of husbands (153) birth [literally "in mêšu ana
Marriage,
incest (154–158) its water"] and mārūtim
family, and 127–194
inchoate marriage (159–161) then rears him, ilqe-ma
property
devolution of marriage-gifts after wives' deaths (162–164) that rearling will urtabbīšu
gifts to sons inter vivos (165) not be tarbītum šī
succession amongst sons (166–167) reclaimed. ul ibbaqqar
[83]
disinheritance of sons (168–169) (185) (185)
legitimation (170)
widows' property (171–174)
marriage of awīlum-class women to slaves (175–176)
remarriage of widows (177)
sacral women (178–184)
adoption and nursing of infants (185–194)
Assault 195–214 assaults on fathers (195) If an [awīlum] šumma

assaults on awīlum-class men (196–208) should blind the awīlum īn
assaults causing miscarriage (209–214) eye of another mār awīlim
[awīlum], they uḫtappid
shall blind his īnšu
[84]
eye. (196) uḫappadū
(196)
If a builder
šumma
constructs a
itinnum
house for a
bītam ana
man but does
awīlim īpuš-
not make it
surgeons (215–223) ma šipiršu lā
conform to
veterinary surgeons (224–225) ušteṣbi-ma
Professional specifications
215–240 barbers (226–227) igārum iqtūp
men so that a wall
builders (228–233) itinnum šū
then buckles,
shipbuilders and boatmen (234–240) ina kasap
that builder
ramānišu
shall make that
igāram šuāti
wall sound
udannan
using his own
(233)
silver. (233)[85]
šumma
If an ox gores
oxen (241–252) alpum
to death a man
theft of fodder by tenants (253–256) sūqam ina
while it is
hire of agricultural labourers (257–258) alākišu
passing
theft of agricultural implements (259–260) awīlam
Agriculture 241–273 through the
hire of herdsmen (261) ikkip-ma
streets, that
duties of shepherds (262–267) uštamīt
case has no
hire of beasts and wagons (268–272) dīnum šū
basis for a
hire of seasonal labourers (273) rugummâm
claim. (250)[86]
ul išu (250)
Se um homem
alugar um
šumma
barco com
awīlum elep
capacidade
šūšim īgur
para 60 [ kur ],
wages of craftsmen (274) ina ūmim
Rates of hire 274–277 ele deverá
hire of boats (275–277) ištēn šuduš
pagar um sexto
kaspam
[de um shekel]
idīša inaddin
de prata por dia
(277)
como aluguel.
(277) [ 87 ]
Escravos 278–282 garantias sobre a venda de escravos (278–279) Se um escravo šumma

compra de escravos no exterior (280–281) declarar ao seu wardum ana
negação da maestria (282) senhor: "Tu não bēlišu ul bēlī
és meu senhor", atta iqtabi
ele [o senhor] kīma
apresentará warassu
acusação e ukānšu-ma
bēlšu
provas contra uzunšu
ele de que ele é inakkis
de fato seu (281)
escravo, e seu
senhor cortará
sua orelha.
(281) [ 87 ]
Teorias de propósito
O propósito e a autoridade legal do Código têm sido contestados desde meados do século XX.
[ 88 ]
As teorias se dividem em três categorias principais: que é legislação , seja um código de leis
ou um conjunto de estatutos ; que é uma espécie de relatório jurídico , contendo registros de
casos e julgamentos passados; e que é uma obra abstrata de jurisprudência . A teoria da
jurisprudência ganhou muito apoio na Assiriologia. [ 89 ]
Legislação
Justiniano I do Império Bizantino (E) e Napoleão Bonaparte da França (D) criaram códigos legais aos quais a estela do
Louvre foi comparada.
O termo "código" pressupõe que o documento foi concebido para ser aplicado como legislação.
Foi usado por Scheil em sua editio princeps , [ 90 ] e amplamente adotado posteriormente. CHW
Johns, um dos primeiros comentaristas mais prolíficos do documento, proclamou que "o Código
merece bem seu nome". [ 41 ] Assiriólogos recentes usaram o termo sem comentários, [ 91 ] assim
como estudiosos de fora da Assiriologia. [ 92 ] No entanto, somente se o texto foi concebido
como legislação aplicada ele pode realmente ser chamado de código de lei e suas disposições
de leis.
The document, on first inspection, resembles a highly organised code similar to the Code of
Justinian and the Napoleonic Code.[93] There is also evidence that dīnātum, which in the Code of
Hammurabi sometimes denote individual "laws", were enforced.[94] One copy of the Code calls it
a ṣimdat šarrim, "royal decree", which denotes a kind of enforced legislation.[95]
However, the arguments against this view are strong. Firstly, it would make a very unusual code—
Reuven Yaron called the designation "Code" a "persistent misnomer".[96] Vital areas of society
and commerce are omitted.[97] For example, Marc Van De Mieroop observes that the Code "deals
with cattle and agricultural fields, but it almost entirely ignores the work of shepherds, vital to
Babylonia's economy".[98] Then, against the legislation theory more generally, highly implausible
circumstances are covered, such as threshing with goats, animals far too unruly for the task (law
270).[99] The laws are also strictly casuistic ("if ... then"); unlike in the Mosaic Law, there are no
apodictic laws (general commands). These would more obviously suggest prescriptive
legislation. The strongest argument against the legislation theory, however, is that most judges
appear to have paid the Code no attention. This line of criticism originated with Benno
Landsberger in 1950.[88] No Mesopotamian legal document explicitly references the Code or any
other law collection,[93] despite the great scale of the corpus.[100] Two references to prescriptions
on "a stele" (narû)[101] come closest. In contrast, numerous judgments cite royal mīšarum-
decrees.[93] Raymond Westbrook held that this strengthened the argument from silence that
ancient Near Eastern legal "codes" had legal import.[102] Furthermore, many Old Babylonian
judgments run entirely counter to the Code's prescriptions.[103]
Law report
A British Museum display of tablets

from the Library of Ashurbanipal. The
Library lists a copy of the "judgments
of Hammurabi" over a millennium
after Hammurabi's death.
A second theory is that the Code is a sort of law report, and as such contains records of past
cases and judgments, albeit phrased abstractly. This would provide one explanation for the
casuistic format of the "laws"; indeed, Jean Bottéro believed he had found a record of a case that
inspired one.[104] However, such finds are inconclusive and very rare, despite the scale of the
Mesopotamian legal corpus.[105] Furthermore, legal judgments were frequently recorded in
Mesopotamia, and they recount the facts of the case without generalising them.[106] These
judgments were concerned almost exclusively with points of fact, prompting Martha Roth to
comment: "I know of only one case out of thousands extant that might be said to revolve around
a point of law".[107]
Jurisprudence
A third theory, which has gained traction within Assyriology, is that the Code is not a true code
but an abstract treatise on how judgments should be formulated. This led Fritz Rudolf Kraus, in
an early formulation of the theory, to call it jurisprudence (Rechtssprüche).[108] Kraus proposed
that it was a work of Mesopotamian scholarship in the same category as omen collections like
šumma ālu and ana ittišu.[108] Others have provided their own versions of this theory.[109] A. Leo
Oppenheim remarked that the Code of Hammurabi and similar Mesopotamian law collections
"represent an interesting formulation of social criticism and should not be taken as normative
directions".[110]
This interpretation bypasses the problem of low congruence between the Code and actual legal
judgments. Secondly, the Code does bear striking similarities to other works of Mesopotamian
scholarship. Key points of similarity are the list format and the order of the items,[111] which Ann
Guinan describes as a complex "serial logic".[112] Marc Van De Mieroop explains that, in common
with other works of Mesopotamian scholarship such as omen lists, king lists, and god lists, the
entries of the Code of Hammurabi are arranged according to two principles. These are
"opposition"—whereby a variable in one entry is altered to make another entry—and "pointillism"—
whereby new conditions are added to an entry, or paradigmatic series pursued, to generate a
sequence.[113] Van De Mieroop provides the following examples:
If a physician performs major surgery with a bronze lancet upon an [awīlum]

and thus heals the [awīlum], or opens an [awīlum]'s temple with a bronze lancet
and thus heals the [awīlum]'s eye, he shall take ten shekels of silver (as his fee).
— Law 215[114]
If a physician performs major surgery with a bronze lancet upon an [awīlum]

and thus causes the [awīlum]'s death, or opens an [awīlum]'s temple with a
bronze lancet and thus blinds the [awīlum]'s eye, they shall cut off his hand.
— Law 218[114]
Laws 215 and 218 illustrate the principle of opposition: one variable of the first law, the outcome
of the operations, is altered to create the second.[115]
If there is either a soldier or [an auxiliary] who is taken captive while serving in
a royal fortress [...] if he should [...] return and get back to his city, they shall
return to him his field and orchard and he himself shall perform his service
obligation.
If there is either a soldier or [an auxiliary] who is taken captive in a royal
fortress, and his son is able to perform the service obligation, the field and
orchard shall be given to him, and he shall perform his father's service
obligation.
If his son is young and is unable to perform his father's service obligation, one
third of the field and orchard shall be given to his mother, and his mother shall
raise him.
— Laws 27–29[116]
Aqui, seguindo o princípio do pontilhismo, circunstâncias são adicionadas à primeira entrada

para criar mais entradas. [ 117 ] O pontilhismo também permite que entradas de lista sejam
geradas seguindo séries paradigmáticas comuns a vários ramos da erudição. Ele pode, portanto,
explicar as entradas implausíveis. Por exemplo, no caso da cabra usada para debulhar (lei 270),
[ 118 ]
as leis anteriores dizem respeito a outros animais que eram usados para debulhar. A série
estabelecida de animais domesticados ditou que uma cabra viria a seguir. [ 119 ]
Wolfram von Soden , que décadas antes chamou essa forma de pensar de Listenwissenschaft
("ciência das listas"), [ 120 ] frequentemente a denegriu. [ 121 ] No entanto, escritores mais
recentes, como Marc Van De Mieroop, Jean Bottéro e Ann Guinan, evitaram julgamentos de valor
ou expressaram admiração. As listas eram centrais para a ciência e lógica mesopotâmicas, e
seus princípios estruturais distintos permitiam que as entradas fossem geradas infinitamente.
[ 119 ]
Ligar o Código à tradição dos escribas dentro da qual a "ciência das listas" surgiu também
explica por que os escribas estagiários o copiaram e estudaram por mais de um milênio. [ 24 ] O
Código aparece em uma lista de textos literários e acadêmicos do final da Babilônia (séculos VII
a VI a.C.). [ 122 ] Nenhuma outra coleção de leis se tornou tão arraigada no currículo. [ 123 ] Em vez
de um código de leis, então, pode ser um tratado acadêmico. [ 101 ]
Muito tem sido escrito sobre o que o Código sugere sobre a sociedade da Antiga Babilônia e seu
sistema legal. Por exemplo, se demonstra que não havia advogados profissionais, [ 124 ] ou que
havia juízes profissionais. [ 125 ] Os estudiosos que abordam o Código como um documento
independente renunciam a tais alegações. [ 126 ]
Princípios subjacentes
One principle widely accepted to underlie the Code is lex talionis, or "eye for an eye". Laws 196
and 200 respectively prescribe an eye for an eye and a tooth for a tooth when one man destroys
another's. Punishments determined by lex talionis could be transferred to the sons of the
wrongdoer.[124] For example, law 229 states that the death of a homeowner in a house collapse
necessitates the death of the house's builder. The following law 230 states that if the
homeowner's son died, the builder's son must die also.[85]
Persons were not equal before the law; not just age and profession but also class and gender
dictated the punishment or remedy they received. Three main kinds of person, awīlum,
muškēnum, and wardum (male)/amtum (female), are mentioned throughout the Code. A
wardum/amtum was a male/female slave. As for awīlum and muškēnum, though contentious, it
seems likely that the difference was one of social class, with awīlum meaning something like
"gentleman" and muškēnum something like "commoner".[127] The penalties were not necessarily
stricter for a muškēnum than an awīlum: a muškēnum's life may have been cheaper, but so were
some of his fines.[128] There was also inequality within these classes: laws 200 and 202, for
example, show that one awīlum could be of higher rank than another.[129]
Martha Roth has shown that ideas of shame and honour motivated certain laws.[130]
Os princípios acima são distantes em espírito dos sistemas modernos de direito comum e civil ,
mas alguns podem ser mais familiares. Um desses princípios é a presunção de inocência ; as
duas primeiras leis da estela prescrevem punições, determinadas pela lex talionis , para
acusações infundadas. As evidências escritas eram altamente valorizadas, [ 131 ] especialmente
em questões de contrato . [ 43 ] Um crime recebia apenas uma punição. [ 132 ] As leis também
reconheciam a importância das intenções de um réu. [ 124 ] Por fim, o estabelecimento do Código
sobre estelas públicas supostamente pretendia aumentar o acesso à justiça. Seja isso verdade
ou não, sugerir que um homem injustiçado tenha a estela lida em voz alta para ele (linhas 3240'–
3254') [ nota 1 ] é uma medida concreta nessa direção, dada a inacessibilidade da educação dos
escribas no período da Antiga Babilônia. [ 133 ]
O prólogo afirma que Hamurabi foi escolhido pelos deuses. Raymond Westbrook observou que
na lei do antigo Oriente Próximo, "o rei era a principal fonte de legislação". [ 134 ] No entanto, eles
podiam delegar sua autoridade legal dada por Deus aos juízes. [ 135 ] No entanto, como Owen B.
Jenkins observou, as próprias prescrições carregam "uma ausência surpreendente ... de toda lei
teológica ou mesmo cerimonial". [ 46 ]
Linguagem
O texto. O arranjo cuneiforme do

Código era antiquado quando foi
escrito.
As leis são escritas no dialeto babilônico antigo do acadiano. Seu estilo é regular e repetitivo, e
hoje são um texto padrão para aulas introdutórias de acadiano. [ 136 ] No entanto, como A. Leo
Oppenheim resume, os próprios sinais cuneiformes são "organizados verticalmente ... dentro de
caixas colocadas em faixas lado a lado da direita para a esquerda", um arranjo já antiquado na
época de Hamurabi. [ 137 ]
The laws are expressed in casuistic format: they are conditional sentences with the case
detailed in the protasis ("if" clause) and the remedy given in the apodosis ("then" clause). The
protasis begins šumma, "if",[138] except when it adds to circumstances already specified in a
previous law (e.g. laws 36, 38, and 40).[139] The preterite is used for simple past verbs in the
protasis, or possibly for a simple conditional.[138] The perfect often appears at the end of the
protasis after one or more preterites to convey sequence of action, or possibly a hypothetical
conditional.[138] The durative, sometimes called the "present" in Assyriology, may express
intention in the laws.[138] For ease of English reading, some translations give preterite and perfect
verbs in the protasis a present sense.[140] In the apodosis, the verbs are in the durative, though
the sense varies between permissive—"it is permitted that x happen"—and instructive—"x
must/will happen".[141] In both protasis and apodosis, sequence of action is conveyed by
suffixing verbs with -ma, "and".[142] -ma can also have the sense "but".[143]
O Código é relativamente bem compreendido, mas alguns itens de seu vocabulário são
controversos. Como mencionado, os termos awīlum e muškēnum provaram ser difíceis de
traduzir. Eles provavelmente denotam respectivamente um membro masculino de uma classe
social mais alta e mais baixa. [ 144 ] Wolfram von Soden, em seu Akkadisches Handwörterbuch ,
propôs que muškēnum era derivado de šukênum , "curvar-se/suplicar". [ 145 ] Como uma palavra
para um homem de baixa posição social, ela perdurou, possivelmente de uma raiz suméria, para
o árabe ( miskīn ), italiano ( meschino ), espanhol ( mezquino ) e francês ( mesquin ). [ 146 ] No
entanto, alguns tradutores anteriores, também buscando explicar o tratamento especial do
muškēnum , o traduziram como "leproso" e até mesmo "nobre". [ 147 ] Alguns tradutores
forneceram leituras artificiais para awīlum , como "seignior", [ 148 ] "homem de elite", [ 149 ] e
"membro da aristocracia"; [ 150 ] outros deixaram sem tradução. [ 151 ] Certos termos legais
também se mostraram difíceis de traduzir. Por exemplo, dīnum e dīttum podem denotar a lei em
geral, bem como leis individuais, veredictos, pronunciamentos divinos e outros fenômenos. [ 152 ]
mīšarum pode igualmente denotar a lei em geral, bem como uma espécie de decreto real. [ 153 ]
Relação com outras coleções de leis
Outros Mesopotâmicos
Prólogo do Código de Lipit-Ishtar
The Code of Hammurabi bears strong similarities to earlier Mesopotamian law collections. Many
purport to have been written by rulers, and this tradition was probably widespread.[10] Earlier law
collections express their god-given legitimacy similarly.[154] Like the Code of Hammurabi, they
feature prologues and epilogues: the Code of Ur-Nammu has a prologue, the Code of Lipit-Ishtar
a prologue and an epilogue, and the Laws of Eshnunna an epilogue. Also, like the Code of
Hammurabi, they uphold the "one crime, one punishment" principle.[155] The cases covered and
language used are, overall, strikingly similar.[10] Scribes were still copying earlier law collections,
such as the Code of Ur-Nammu, when Hammurabi produced his own Code.[156] This suggests
that earlier collections may have not only resembled the Code but influenced it. Raymond
Westbrook maintained that there was a fairly consistent tradition of "ancient Near Eastern law"
which included the Code of Hammurabi,[157] and that this was largely customary law.[158]
Nonetheless, there are differences: for example, Stephen Bertman has suggested that where
earlier collections are concerned with compensating victims, the Code is concerned with
physically punishing offenders.[159] Additionally, the above conclusions of similarity and influence
apply only to the law collections themselves. The actual legal practices from the context of each
code are mysterious.[160]
The Code of Hammurabi also bears strong similarities to later Mesopotamian law collections: to
the casuistic Middle Assyrian Laws and to the Neo-Babylonian Laws,[161] whose format is largely
relative ("a man who ..."). It is easier to posit direct influence for these later collections, given the
Code's survival through the scribal curriculum.[24] Lastly, although influence is more difficult to
trace, there is evidence that the Hittite laws may have been part of the same tradition of legal
writing outside Mesopotamia proper.[162]
Mosaic, Graeco-Roman, and modern
Moses receiving the law on Mount

Sinai, depicted in the Byzantine Leo
Bible
The relationship of the Code of Hammurabi to the Mosaic Law, specifically the Covenant Code of
Exodus 20:22–23:19, has been a subject of discussion since its discovery.[47] Friedrich Delitzsch
argued the case for strong influence in a 1902 lecture, in one episode of the "Babel und Bibel"
("Babel and Bible", or "Panbabylonism") debate on the influence of ancient Mesopotamian
cultures on ancient Israel. However, he was met with strong resistance.[163] There was cultural
contact between Mesopotamia and the Levant, and Middle Bronze Age tablets of casuistic
cuneiform law have been found at Hazor.[164] There are also similarities between the Code of
Hamurabi and the Covenant Code: in the casuistic format, in principles such as lex talionis ("eye
for an eye"), and in the content of the provisions. Some similarities are striking, such as in the
provisions concerning a man-goring ox (Code of Hammurabi laws 250–252,[86] Exodus 21:28–
32).[165] Certain writers have posited direct influence: David P. Wright, for example, asserts that
the Covenant Code is "directly, primarily, and throughout dependent upon the Laws of
Hammurabi", "a creative rewriting of Mesopotamian sources ... to be viewed as an academic
abstraction rather than a digest of laws".[166] Others posit indirect influence, such as via Aramaic
or Phoenician intermediaries.[167] The consensus, however, is that the similarities are a result of
inheriting common traditions.[168] In 1916, George A. Barton cited "a similarity of antecedents
and of general intellectual outlook".[169] More recently, David Winton Thomas has stated: "There
is no ground for assuming any direct borrowing by the Hebrew from the Babylonian. Even where
the two sets of laws differ little in the letter, they differ much in the spirit".[170]
The influence of the Code of Hammurabi on later law collections is difficult to establish. Marc
Van De Mieroop suggests that it may have influenced the Greek Gortyn Code and the Roman
Twelve Tables.[171] However, even Van De Mieroop acknowledges that most Roman law is not
similar to the Code, or likely to have been influenced by it.[172]
Knowing the Code's influence on modern law requires knowing its influence on Mosaic and
Graeco-Roman law. Since this is contentious, commentators have restricted themselves to
observing similarities and differences between the Code and, e.g., United States law and
medieval law.[173] Some have remarked that the punishments found in the Code are no more
severe, and, in some cases, less so.[174]
A Lei 238 estipula que um capitão de navio , gerente de navio ou fretador de navio que salvou um
navio da perda total era obrigado a pagar apenas metade do valor do navio ao armador .
[ 175 ] [ 176 ] [ 177 ]
Na Digesta seu Pandectae (533), o segundo volume da codificação das leis
ordenada por Justiniano I (527–565) do Império Romano do Oriente , uma opinião jurídica
escrita pelo jurista romano Paulus no início da Crise do Terceiro Século em 235 d.C. foi incluída
sobre a Lex Rhodia ("lei de Rodes") que articula o princípio da média geral do seguro marítimo
estabelecido na ilha de Rodes em aproximadamente 1000 a 800 a.C. como membro da
Hexápolis Dórica , plausivelmente pelos fenícios durante a proposta de invasão dórica e o
surgimento dos supostos povos do mar durante a Idade das Trevas grega (c. 1100 – c. 750) que
levou à proliferação do dialeto grego dórico . [ 178 ] [ 179 ] [ 180 ] A lei da média geral constitui o
princípio fundamental que subjaz a todos os seguros . [ 179 ]
Recepção fora da Assiriologia
O retrato em relevo de Hamurabi no

Capitólio dos EUA , por Thomas
Hudson Jones
O Código é frequentemente mencionado na erudição jurídica, onde suas disposições são

assumidas como leis, e o documento é assumido como um verdadeiro código de leis. Isso
também é verdade fora da academia. [ 181 ]
Há um retrato em relevo de Hamurabi sobre as portas da Câmara dos Representantes do

Capitólio dos EUA , juntamente com retratos de outros 22 "notados pelo seu trabalho no
estabelecimento dos princípios que fundamentam a lei americana". [ 182 ] Existem réplicas da
estela do Louvre em instituições em todo o mundo, incluindo a Sede das Nações Unidas na
cidade de Nova Iorque [ 183 ] e o Palácio da Paz em Haia (sede do Tribunal Internacional de
Justiça ). [ 184 ]
Veja também
História das instituições na Mesopotâmia
Referências
Notas
1. Numeração de linhas doCDLI (2019)Roth (1995a). Os números de linhas podem parecer

baixos, já que a edição do CDLI não inclui seções não encontradas na estela do Louvre.
Citações
1. Sasson, Jack. Civilizações do Antigo 22. Driver & Miles (1952), pp. 29–30.
Oriente Próximo . Hendrickson. pp. 901,
23. Roth (1995a), p. 73.
908. ISBN 0684192799.
24. Roth (1995b), p. 20.
2. Ross, Leslie. Arte e Arquitetura das
Religiões do Mundo . Greenwood Press. 25. Driver & Miles (1952), pp. 25–56; Van De
pág. 35. Mieroop (2016), p. 145.
3. Renger (2020) . 26. Van De Mieroop (2016), p. 147.
4. Van De Mieroop (2007) , pp. 27. Souvay (1910).
5. Van De Mieroop (2007) , pp. 28. Scheil (1902), pp. 11–12.
6. Motorista e milhas (1952) , pág. 52; Van 29. Scheil (1902), pp. 13–162.
De Mieroop (2007) , pp. 30. Scheil (1902), plates 3–15.
7. Van De Mieroop (2007) , pp. 31. Winckler (1902).
8. Driver & Miles (1952) , pág. 36. 32. Johns (1903a).

9. Driver & Miles (1952) , pág. 37. 33. Bonfante (1903).
10. Miles (1952) 9. 34. Wells (1920), p. 245.
11. Kraus (1960) , pp. Bottéro (1992) , p. Roth 35. Kramer (1988), pp. 51–52.
(1995b) , p. 13.
36. Johns (1903b), p. 257; Harper (1904), the
12. Roth (1995a) , pp. 36–39. title; Equitable Trust Company (1910), the
13. Roth (1995a) , pág. 36. title.
14. Driver & Miles (1952) , pp. 56–57. 37. Driver & Miles (1952), p. 34ff.; Roth
(1995a), p. 71.
15. Louvre (sem) .
38. Finkelstein (1961), p. 101.
16. Roth (1995b), págs. 15–16.
39. Johns (1903a), p. v.
17. Roth (1995a), pág. 74.
40. Johns (1904), p. 68.
18. Scheil (1902), p. 12.
41. Johns (1903b), p. 258.
19. Roth (1995b) , pp. 23–24.
42. Prince (1904), p. 601.
20. Ornan, Tallay, "Unfinished Business: the
Relief on the Hammurabi Louvre Stele 43. Horne (1915).
Revisited", Journal of Cuneiform Studies, 44. Breasted (1916), p. 131.

vol. 71, pp. 85–109, 2019
45. Johns (1903b), p. 257; Souvay (1910);
21. Roth (1995b), pp. 21–22. Everts (1920), p. 45.
46. Jenkins (1905), p. 335. 71. Roth (1995a), p. 133.
47. Sampey (1904a); Sampey (1904b); Davies 72. Driver & Miles (1952), p. 37; Bottéro
(1905); Johns (1914); Everts (1920); (1992), p. 167.
Edwards (1921).
73. Roth (1995a), p. 138.
48. Johns (1903a), pp. v–vi; Prince (1904),
74. Roth (1995a), p. 137.
pp. 601–602; Souvay (1910).
75. Roth (1995a), p. 71.
49. North (1993), p. 5.
76. Van De Mieroop (2016), p. 144.
50. Van Buren (1943); Black & Green (1998),
pp. 102–103; Slanski (2012), p. 106. 77. Driver & Miles (1952), pp. 43–45.
51. Black & Green (1998), p. 183. 78. Roth (1995a), pp. 76–142.
52. Breasted (1916), p. 132. 79. Roth (1995a), p. 81.
53. Roth (1995b), pp. 22–23. 80. Roth (1995a), p. 85.
54. Charpin (2010), pp. 81–82. 81. Roth (1995a), p. 90.
55. Roth (1995b), p. 23. 82. Roth (1995a), p. 100.
56. Elsen-Novák & Novák (2006), pp. 148– 83. Roth (1995a), p. 119.
149. 84. Roth (1995a), p. 121.
57. Roth (1995b), p. 16. 85. Roth (1995a), p. 125.
58. Huehnergard (2011), p. 160. 86. Roth (1995a), p. 128.
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Links externos
Transliteração, normalização e tradução do CDLI (https://cdli.mpiwg-berlin.mpg.de/artifacts/4

64358)
Editio princeps (https://archive.org/stream/mmoires04franuoft#page/n6/mode/1up) de

Scheil (https://archive.org/stream/mmoires04franuoft#page/n6/mode/1up) (em francês)
Tradução do rei (http://www.general-intelligence.com/library/hr.pdf)
Tradução de Johns (https://www.gutenberg.org/files/17150/17150-h/17150-h.htm)

Tradução de Harper (Wikisource) (https://en.wikisource.org/wiki/The_Code_of_Hammurabi_(H
arper_translation))
A página do Louvre (https://web.archive.org/web/20201205050436/http://www.louvre.fr/en/o

euvre-notices/law-code-hammurabi-king-babylon)
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Apesar da incerteza em torno dessas questões, Hamurabi é considerado fora da Assiriologia

Território babilônico antes (vermelho)

Hamurabi (ou Hamurapi), o sexto rei da

governou de 1792 a 1750 a.C. ( cronologia

Hamurabi tinha uma política externa

Coleções de leis anteriores

O Código de Lipit-Ishtar de Isin .

As Leis de Eshnunna (escritas por Bilalama ou por Dadusha ).

Existem também milhares de documentos da prática do direito, de antes e durante o período da

Fragmentos de uma segunda e possivelmente terceira estela registrando o Código foram

Bolsa de estudos inicial

Padre Jean-Vincent Scheil , primeiro

O relevo na estela do Louvre

O relevo parece mostrar Hamurabi em pé diante de um Shamash sentado. [ 23 ] Shamash usa a

Ea/Enki , deus da sabedoria a quem

Ao contrário do prólogo, o epílogo de 500 linhas está explicitamente relacionado às leis. [ 64 ] O

1. Ânus (3387'–3394') 8. Zababa (3526'–3536')

2. Enlil (3395'–3422') 9. Istar (3537'–3573')

3. Ninlil (3423'–3439') 10. Nergal (3574'–3589')

4. Ea (3440'–3458') 11. Nintu (3590'–3599')

5. Shamash (3459'–3485') 12. Ninkarrak (3600'–3619')

6. Pecado (3486'–3508') 13. Todos os deuses (3620'–3635')

7. Ádade (3509'–3525') 14. Enlil, uma segunda vez (3636'–3641')

Land and 26–k tenure of fiefs (26–41) If a man has a šumma

slander of ugbabtum-priestesses or married women (127)

Assault 195–214 assaults on fathers (195) If an [awīlum] šumma

Escravos 278–282 garantias sobre a venda de escravos (278–279) Se um escravo šumma

A British Museum display of tablets

If a physician performs major surgery with a bronze lancet upon an [awīlum]

If a physician performs major surgery with a bronze lancet upon an [awīlum]

Aqui, seguindo o princípio do pontilhismo, circunstâncias são adicionadas à primeira entrada

O texto. O arranjo cuneiforme do

Relação com outras coleções de leis

Prólogo do Código de Lipit-Ishtar

Mosaic, Graeco-Roman, and modern

Moses receiving the law on Mount

O retrato em relevo de Hamurabi no

O Código é frequentemente mencionado na erudição jurídica, onde suas disposições são

Há um retrato em relevo de Hamurabi sobre as portas da Câmara dos Representantes do

História das instituições na Mesopotâmia

1. Numeração de linhas doCDLI (2019)Roth (1995a). Os números de linhas podem parecer

pág. 35. Mieroop (2016), p. 145.

3. Renger (2020) . 26. Van De Mieroop (2016), p. 147.

4. Van De Mieroop (2007) , pp. 27. Souvay (1910).

5. Van De Mieroop (2007) , pp. 28. Scheil (1902), pp. 11–12.

7. Van De Mieroop (2007) , pp. 31. Winckler (1902).

8. Driver & Miles (1952) , pág. 36. 32. Johns (1903a).

10. Miles (1952) 9. 34. Wells (1920), p. 245.

Revisited", Journal of Cuneiform Studies, 44. Breasted (1916), p. 131.

52. Breasted (1916), p. 132. 79. Roth (1995a), p. 81.

53. Roth (1995b), pp. 22–23. 80. Roth (1995a), p. 85.

54. Charpin (2010), pp. 81–82. 81. Roth (1995a), p. 90.

55. Roth (1995b), p. 23. 82. Roth (1995a), p. 100.

149. 84. Roth (1995a), p. 121.

57. Roth (1995b), p. 16. 85. Roth (1995a), p. 125.

58. Huehnergard (2011), p. 160. 86. Roth (1995a), p. 128.

59. Davies (1905), p. 15. 87. Roth (1995a), p. 132.

107. Roth (2001), p. 255. 130. Roth (1995b), pp. 25ff.

110. Oppenheim (1977), p. 158. 135. Bottéro (1992), p. 165.