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According to historian and sociologist [[Alina Cała]], three points of reference stand out in the figurines. The first is reminiscent of figurines in the traditional {{ill|Emaus Easter fair|pl|Emaus (odpust)}}, the second is [[black magic]], whereas the third is the traditional [[Antisemitic canard#Usury and profiteering|antisemitic caricature of Jewish moneylender]] which was exploited in Nazi and antisemitic Polish iconography. However, whereas classical moneylender tropes often presented assimilated Jews the current Polish figurines present Jews in traditional Orthodox dress. Cała also notes that, most likely after a complaint from a tourist, currently the figurines being sold in the Kazimierz neighborhood feature the [[Star of David]] instead of a coin.<ref name="Cala">{{Cite journal|url=http://ispan.waw.pl/journals/index.php/slh/article/download/slh.2015.010/1596|title=Pamiątka, Zabawka, Talizman / Souvenir, Talisman, Toy (wystawa w Muzeum Etnograficznym w Krakowie, 2013 rok, kuratorka: Erica Lehrer|last=Cała|first=Alina|date=2015|journal=Studia Litteraria et Historica|pages=265-271|access-date=23 August 2019|volume=3|issue=4}}</ref>
According to historian and sociologist [[Alina Cała]], three points of reference stand out in the figurines. The first is reminiscent of figurines in the traditional {{ill|Emaus Easter fair|pl|Emaus (odpust)}}, the second is [[black magic]], whereas the third is the traditional [[Antisemitic canard#Usury and profiteering|antisemitic caricature of Jewish moneylender]] which was exploited in Nazi and antisemitic Polish iconography. However, whereas classical moneylender tropes often presented assimilated Jews the current Polish figurines present Jews in traditional Orthodox dress. Cała also notes that, most likely after a complaint from a tourist, currently the figurines being sold in the Kazimierz neighborhood feature the [[Star of David]] instead of a coin.<ref name="Cala">{{Cite journal|url=http://ispan.waw.pl/journals/index.php/slh/article/download/slh.2015.010/1596|title=Pamiątka, Zabawka, Talizman / Souvenir, Talisman, Toy (wystawa w Muzeum Etnograficznym w Krakowie, 2013 rok, kuratorka: Erica Lehrer|last=Cała|first=Alina|date=2015|journal=Studia Litteraria et Historica|pages=265-271|access-date=23 August 2019|volume=3|issue=4}}</ref>


According to Polish anthropologist [[Joanna Tokarska-Bakir]], the figurines fill a role similar to a series of other [[Household deity|domestic demons]] – in this case protecting Polish homes that were "purified of Jews". Tokarska-Bakir that given that Polish society has enriched itself as a result of the "disappearance" of the Jews, the custom is [[grotesque]] – a demonism transformed into a triviality. Turning to [[Sigmund Freud]]'s [[Totem and Taboo]], Tokarska-Bakir contrasts the Polish custom with [[Totem|totemic religion]] which is the product of guilty sons attempting to atone for the founding murder of legendary horde leaders. Cast in this manner, Tokarska-Bakir considers the grotesque practice as less irrational – the protection of the home by the Jew who was expelled from the home being a twisted sign of moral initiation.<ref name="Tokarska-Bakir2019"/><ref name="Tokarska-Bakir2012"/><ref name=dobr /> Tokarska-Bakir's analysis, first published in the weekend edition of ''[[Gazeta Wyborcza]]'', elicited a few indignant responses.<ref name=dobr /> Paweł Jędrzejewski of the Forum of Polish Jews rejected the claims of antisemitism of the figures and pointed out desire to obtain wealth and positive image of Jews as being professional and high income of Jewish Americans.<ref name=dobr /> Ethnologist Ludwik Stomma, described her analysis as "it is difficult to have something more tangled up" and suggested her views are based on outdated 19th century work. Stomma pointed out that some of the definitions used by Tokarska-Bakir are difficult to understand, such as "father substitute" or "freed women". According to Stomma, Tokarska-Bakir should know that there were never "totemic religions".<ref>Ludwik Stomma, "Bakir z pieniążkiem", "Polityka", volume 11 (2850), 14.03-20.03.2012.</ref> In response, Tokarska-Bakir said that long after readers will remember Sigmund Freud long after they forget Stomma.<ref name=dobr />
According to Polish anthropologist [[Joanna Tokarska-Bakir]], the figurines fill a role similar to a series of other [[Household deity|domestic demons]] – in this case protecting Polish homes that were "purified of Jews".Bakir's statements, published, in weekend edition of "Gazeta Wyborcza", evoked ridicule and outrage<ref>[https://www.nck.pl/upload/archiwum_kw_files/artykuly/6._pawel_dobrosielski_-_zyd_z_pieniazkiem_jako_praktyka_polskiej_kultury_wernakularnej.pdf]"Ta diagnoza, opublikowana w weekendowym wydaniu „Gazety Wyborczej”, wywołała drwiny i oburzenie''"This diagnosis, published in weekend edition of "Gazeta Wyborcza", evoked ridicule and outrage".</ref>. Tokarska-Bakir that given that Polish society has enriched itself as a result of the "disappearance" of the Jews, the custom is [[grotesque]] – a demonism transformed into a triviality. Turning to [[Sigmund Freud]]'s [[Totem and Taboo]], Tokarska-Bakir contrasts the Polish custom with [[Totem|totemic religion]] which is the product of guilty sons attempting to atone for the founding murder of legendary horde leaders. Cast in this manner, Tokarska-Bakir considers the grotesque practice as less irrational – the protection of the home by the Jew who was expelled from the home being a twisted sign of moral initiation.<ref name="Tokarska-Bakir2019"/><ref name="Tokarska-Bakir2012"/><ref name=dobr /> Tokarska-Bakir's analysis, first published in the weekend edition of ''[[Gazeta Wyborcza]]'', elicited a few indignant responses.<ref name=dobr /> Paweł Jędrzejewski of the Forum of Polish Jews rejected the claims of antisemitism of the figures and pointed out desire to obtain wealth and positive image of Jews as being professional and high income of Jewish Americans.<ref name=dobr /> Ethnologist Ludwik Stomma, described her analysis as "it is difficult to have something more tangled up" and suggested her views are based on outdated 19th century work. Stomma pointed out that some of the definitions used by Tokarska-Bakir are difficult to understand, such as "father substitute" or "freed women". According to Stomma, Tokarska-Bakir should know that there were never "totemic religions".<ref>Ludwik Stomma, "Bakir z pieniążkiem", "Polityka", volume 11 (2850), 14.03-20.03.2012.</ref> In response, Tokarska-Bakir said that long after readers will remember Sigmund Freud long after they forget Stomma.<ref name=dobr />


Cultural studies scholar Paweł Dobrosielski, who performs a vernacular culture analysis, reaches the same conclusion as Tokarska-Bakir{{fact}}. Dobrosielski states the motif draws on prior Jews and money stereotypes, but tamed and redirected to a positive meaning in supporting Poles seeking wealth. Dobrosielski sees the motif as a "reaction to the feeling of isolation produced by the highly complex Polish discourse on the Holocaust, and simultaneously by the internalization (via taking into account common interpretations) and contestation (via inverting its meaning) of that discourse".<ref name="Tartakowsky" /><ref name="dobr">{{Cite journal|last=Dobrosielski|first=Paweł|date=2015|title=„Żyd z pieniążkiem” jako praktyka polskiej: kultury wernakularnej|trans-title=The "Jew with a coin" as a practice of the polish vernacular culture: a preliminary research report|url=https://www.nck.pl/upload/archiwum_kw_files/artykuly/6._pawel_dobrosielski_-_zyd_z_pieniazkiem_jako_praktyka_polskiej_kultury_wernakularnej.pdf|journal=Kultura Współczesna|publisher={{ill|National Centre for Culture|pl|Narodowe Centrum Kultury}}|volume=3|issue=87|pages=61–75|access-date=25 August 2019}}</ref>
Cultural studies scholar Paweł Dobrosielski, who performs a vernacular culture analysis, reaches the same conclusion as Tokarska-Bakir{{fact}}. Dobrosielski states the motif draws on prior Jews and money stereotypes, but tamed and redirected to a positive meaning in supporting Poles seeking wealth. Dobrosielski sees the motif as a "reaction to the feeling of isolation produced by the highly complex Polish discourse on the Holocaust, and simultaneously by the internalization (via taking into account common interpretations) and contestation (via inverting its meaning) of that discourse".<ref name="Tartakowsky" /><ref name="dobr">{{Cite journal|last=Dobrosielski|first=Paweł|date=2015|title=„Żyd z pieniążkiem” jako praktyka polskiej: kultury wernakularnej|trans-title=The "Jew with a coin" as a practice of the polish vernacular culture: a preliminary research report|url=https://www.nck.pl/upload/archiwum_kw_files/artykuly/6._pawel_dobrosielski_-_zyd_z_pieniazkiem_jako_praktyka_polskiej_kultury_wernakularnej.pdf|journal=Kultura Współczesna|publisher={{ill|National Centre for Culture|pl|Narodowe Centrum Kultury}}|volume=3|issue=87|pages=61–75|access-date=25 August 2019}}</ref> According to Pawel Dobrosielski the image disturbs mostly researchers and publicists, and for most Poles the Jew with a coin seems harmless, friendly practice connected to positive view of Jews. Dobrowolski writes that the debate among academics is conducted in an isolated circulation, where specialist knowledge invokes context of multilayered history of antisemitic prejudice, which is however absent from practice real social life.<ref>''„Własności” tego wizerunku niepokoją jednak przede wszystkim badaczy i publicystów, ogółowi Polaków praktyka wieszania „Żyda z pieniążkiem” wydaje sięchyba raczej sympatyczna, związana z nieszkodliwym zabobonem i pozytywnym stereotypem żydowskości. Wyrażane przez akademików zaniepokojenie,związane z rozpowszechnieniem tej praktyki, jej możliwymi ukrytymi sensamioraz utrwalanymi przez nią stereotypami nie powstrzymują Polaków przed pro-dukowaniem, kupowaniem i używaniem „Żyda z pieniążkiem”. Ekspercka debata odbywa się bowiem w zamkniętym systemowym obiegu specjalistycznejwiedzy przywołującej kontekst złożonej i wielowątkowej historii antysemickichuprzedzeń, którą można uznać za zamkniętą w odniesieniu do realnej pragmatyki społecznej, choć wciąż oddziałującą na poziomie społecznego imaginarium''ref>[https://www.nck.pl/upload/archiwum_kw_files/artykuly/6._pawel_dobrosielski_-_zyd_z_pieniazkiem_jako_praktyka_polskiej_kultury_wernakularnej.pdf]"</ref>


According to Tartakowsky, even if the figurines are not an expression of antisemitism, they are affected by the dis-inhibition of xenophobic rhetoric and marking of those designated as "enemies of the state". Tartakowsky notes that freedom of expression in post-1989 Poland is reflective of the American model, as opposed to the French one, favoring freedom of expression over the outlawing of hate speech. Tartakowsky ties the placement of the image to the left of the doorway to likely mockery of the [[mezuzah]] in Jewish custom. Tartakowsky notes the [[reappropriation]] of Jewish figurines is deeply ambiguous, but is troubling due to the modern political context and stereotyping.<ref name="Tartakowsky" />
According to Tartakowsky, even if the figurines are not an expression of antisemitism, they are affected by the dis-inhibition of xenophobic rhetoric and marking of those designated as "enemies of the state". Tartakowsky notes that freedom of expression in post-1989 Poland is reflective of the American model, as opposed to the French one, favoring freedom of expression over the outlawing of hate speech. Tartakowsky ties the placement of the image to the left of the doorway to likely mockery of the [[mezuzah]] in Jewish custom. Tartakowsky notes the [[reappropriation]] of Jewish figurines is deeply ambiguous, but is troubling due to the modern political context and stereotyping.<ref name="Tartakowsky" />

Revision as of 09:17, 25 August 2019

File:02018 0505 Solina-Stausee cropped.jpg
"Jews with coins" on sale in Poland, bearing the name of the spa village of Polańczyk. The middle figurine reads: "Polańczyk $ Jew In the hall, coin in your pocket".

"Jew with a coin" (Template:Lang-pl),[1][2][3] "little Jews" (Template:Lang-pl),[4] or "lucky Jew" (Template:Lang-pl)[1] are controversial images or figurines of a Jew holding a coin, usually accompanied by a proverb.[1] The motif was first described in articles from 2000, and probably dates back to after the 1989 transition of Polish government.[1] As of the early 21st century, they are found in shops and homes in Poland.[2][5][6]The figurines aren't widely used and 2015 survey found that only 19% of surveyed Poles owned such an item.[7][8]

Scholars offer various interpretations of the motif's nature and origin, though they generally agree that most[citation needed] modern Poles see the motif as a talisman for financial luck. The images draw on a traditional antisemitic canard of the Jewish moneylender.[9][10] Opinions about the motif vary; some cultural studies scholars believe it promotes Polish–Jewish dialogue or view it as harmless folklore or nostalgia, while others believe it is an antisemitic and offensive stereotype.[4][5][11][12][13]

Usage and customs

File:Jew holding a coin - Polish folk images 01.jpg
Paintings of Jews holding a coin

According to a 2015 survey in Poland, 65 percent of respondents identify the figurines and 18 percent of respondents had such a figurine at home; recognition of the symbol does not vary with respondent age, indicating that the practice started recently.[1] About 50 percent of the surveyed identified the motif with financial success; others pointed more generally to it being a 'lucky symbol', or just to it being a folk decoration.[7] According to Paweł Dobrosielski, a survey showed that 19 percent of Poles possessed such item and 16 percent confirmed its use.[7]

The figurines are used as a good luck charm in the hope of becoming rich,[1] as well as good luck charms by football fans who then blame Jews if their team loses.[14][15]

The figurines are often given as gifts.[11] Some owners of the images turn them upside down on the Sabbath (Friday night[11] or Saturdays[16])[1] some placing a coin (grosz, 1/100 of a złoty) behind the image,[1] so that money and good fortune may fall upon the family living in the house.[1][11][16] At homes the images are often placed in the entrance hall to the left of the door.[1][2][3] In addition, the figurines are placed in offices and in shops next to cash registers.[16] According to a 2015 survey in Poland, 50 percent respondents knew of the superstition of good fortune, 24 percent of the custom to place a grosz behind the frame, and 13 percent of turning it upside down on the Sabbath.[1]

The motif is usually[citation needed] accompanied with the saying Żyd w sieni, pieniądz w kieszeni ("Jew in the hall, coin in your pocket"), a saying with roots pre-dating the Second World War. The original meaning of the saying was that at long as the Jew stayed at the entrance of the house the money in the house remained safe, but in contemporary popular usage the meaning has been reversed: the Jew in the hall brings fortune to the house.[1] Joanna Tokarska-Bakir stresses that "Given the power of connotations associated with contemporary history, this maxim takes on a bitter meaning, as it alludes to how Poles enriched themselves when they protected the Jews".[1] The saying Kto nie ma w domu Żyda, temu bida ("He who has no Jew at home is moneyless") is based on Kiedy bida, to do Żyda ("When poverty is there, go to the Jew"), referring originally to Jewish moneylenders and also dating prior to World War II.[1] Modern variants have also arisen and accompany the motif, for instance: Aby kasa w domu była, I się nigdy nie skonczyła, Żyda w domu trzeba mieć  ! We pieniędzy będzie strzec ("So that the money stays at home, and that it does not leave, keep a Jew in your house, he will keep the cash").[1]

Jewish figurines are not limited to Poland; small figurines of Jews are also sold in Israel and North America.[17][18]

Ethnographic analysis

Origins

File:Krakow Sukiennice 001 cropped.jpg
Figurines of Jewish men in Kraków Cloth Hall, the one on the left is holding a bag and a coin

Research by Erica Lehrer, who curated the Souvenir, Talisman, Toy exhibit at the Ethnographic Museum of Kraków, shows that while figurines of Jews existed in the past in Poland the contemporary figurines connecting traditionally dressed Jews with financial motifs like coins is recent. Prior to World War II, Jewish figurines were present in Christmas and Easter rituals and in particular in the Emaus Easter market fair in Kraków. During the communist era in Poland figurines of Jews were available for sale in the Cepelia  [pl] ethnic art stores.[4] The figurines with the coins were first described in articles from 2000 whose authors state the phenomenon is recent, and that the figurines probably date back to the times following the transition of government in 1989.[1]

Scholars have looked at a number of dimensions of the "Jew with a coin" figurines, paintings and associated products. One of those is the stereotypical connection between Jews and money. According to Polish scholar of Jewish history, Bożena Umińska-Keff [pl], while Jews were stereotypically associated with money and financial gain for many centuries,[19][4] the rise of the coin imagery in post-communist Poland is not coincidental as Jews have become equated in Poland with success in the capitalistic West that post-1989 Poland aspires to catch up to.[4] Sociologist Ewa Tartakowsky ties the popularity of the figurines to the even more recent growth of public discourse on the Holocaust in Poland, that began with Jan T. Gross's publication of Neighbors: The Destruction of the Jewish Community in Jedwabne, Poland (2001).[1]

According to historian and sociologist Alina Cała, three points of reference stand out in the figurines. The first is reminiscent of figurines in the traditional Emaus Easter fair [pl], the second is black magic, whereas the third is the traditional antisemitic caricature of Jewish moneylender which was exploited in Nazi and antisemitic Polish iconography. However, whereas classical moneylender tropes often presented assimilated Jews the current Polish figurines present Jews in traditional Orthodox dress. Cała also notes that, most likely after a complaint from a tourist, currently the figurines being sold in the Kazimierz neighborhood feature the Star of David instead of a coin.[9]

According to Polish anthropologist Joanna Tokarska-Bakir, the figurines fill a role similar to a series of other domestic demons – in this case protecting Polish homes that were "purified of Jews".Bakir's statements, published, in weekend edition of "Gazeta Wyborcza", evoked ridicule and outrage[20]. Tokarska-Bakir that given that Polish society has enriched itself as a result of the "disappearance" of the Jews, the custom is grotesque – a demonism transformed into a triviality. Turning to Sigmund Freud's Totem and Taboo, Tokarska-Bakir contrasts the Polish custom with totemic religion which is the product of guilty sons attempting to atone for the founding murder of legendary horde leaders. Cast in this manner, Tokarska-Bakir considers the grotesque practice as less irrational – the protection of the home by the Jew who was expelled from the home being a twisted sign of moral initiation.[3][2][7] Tokarska-Bakir's analysis, first published in the weekend edition of Gazeta Wyborcza, elicited a few indignant responses.[7] Paweł Jędrzejewski of the Forum of Polish Jews rejected the claims of antisemitism of the figures and pointed out desire to obtain wealth and positive image of Jews as being professional and high income of Jewish Americans.[7] Ethnologist Ludwik Stomma, described her analysis as "it is difficult to have something more tangled up" and suggested her views are based on outdated 19th century work. Stomma pointed out that some of the definitions used by Tokarska-Bakir are difficult to understand, such as "father substitute" or "freed women". According to Stomma, Tokarska-Bakir should know that there were never "totemic religions".[21] In response, Tokarska-Bakir said that long after readers will remember Sigmund Freud long after they forget Stomma.[7]

Cultural studies scholar Paweł Dobrosielski, who performs a vernacular culture analysis, reaches the same conclusion as Tokarska-Bakir[citation needed]. Dobrosielski states the motif draws on prior Jews and money stereotypes, but tamed and redirected to a positive meaning in supporting Poles seeking wealth. Dobrosielski sees the motif as a "reaction to the feeling of isolation produced by the highly complex Polish discourse on the Holocaust, and simultaneously by the internalization (via taking into account common interpretations) and contestation (via inverting its meaning) of that discourse".[1][7] According to Pawel Dobrosielski the image disturbs mostly researchers and publicists, and for most Poles the Jew with a coin seems harmless, friendly practice connected to positive view of Jews. Dobrowolski writes that the debate among academics is conducted in an isolated circulation, where specialist knowledge invokes context of multilayered history of antisemitic prejudice, which is however absent from practice real social life.[22]

According to Tartakowsky, even if the figurines are not an expression of antisemitism, they are affected by the dis-inhibition of xenophobic rhetoric and marking of those designated as "enemies of the state". Tartakowsky notes that freedom of expression in post-1989 Poland is reflective of the American model, as opposed to the French one, favoring freedom of expression over the outlawing of hate speech. Tartakowsky ties the placement of the image to the left of the doorway to likely mockery of the mezuzah in Jewish custom. Tartakowsky notes the reappropriation of Jewish figurines is deeply ambiguous, but is troubling due to the modern political context and stereotyping.[1]

According to Umińska-Keff, while the phenomena of antisemitism lacks recognition in modern Poland, the old antisemitic myths are still repeated and are even perceived as factual. Umińska-Keff asserts that the imagery and superstitions surrounding the figurines contain all the basic elements of antisemitism – a non-personalized soulless man embodied by money,[1] and sees the figurines as part of a wider tradition of antisemitic stereotypes in Poland (Jewish sorcerers, Jews making blood from children, Judensau, Żydokomuna, etc.).[19]

Johnny Daniels, activist promoting the dialogue between Jews and Poles, considers such items an "insensitive but ultimately harmless expression of nostalgia", comparable to the cigar store Indian in the United States.[11]

According to Simon Wiesenthal Center director for international relations Shimon Samuels, superstition lies behind the figurines. Samuels likens the figurines to a phantom limb, as while only 20,000 Jews reside in modern Poland, the stereotypical Jewish figurines serve as an item that may be "scratched".[14]

Impact and use

According to Lehrer, some Jews who travel to Poland often see the figurines as "inflammatory and shocking, and mostly it gets read in the context of antisemitism". Lehrer says that while one can not understand the figurines with the coin without referring to the history of antisemitic imagery, the figurines are rooted in a long history that is more complex than just antisemitism. According to Lehrer, the folk artists creating the figurines, especially the older ones, treat the figurines with artistic, sensitive treatment. One use of the charms is as tourist keepsakes and tokens of nostalgic or political attempt to connect with Jewish past, whereas a second use is as a good luck charm bringing prosperity. Lehrer states that the figurines are seen in Polish folk society as innocent and even complimentary towards Jewish people, and that most do not realize such items might be controversial. Lehrer also says that the figurines "embody some bits of historical memory of Jews as seen through their mostly peasant neighbours' eyes – but mixed with myth, sometimes nostalgia, and after the war, occasionally empathy."[14][12][1] Lehrer notes that these tourist souvenirs evoke ambivalent reaction among Jewish tourists; and buyers reactions range from revulsion to wonder.[23]

Joanna Michlic sees the use of Jews as "good luck charms" as transformation of a prior negative stereotype of Jewish money-lending into positive stereotype of a Jewish businessman which Poles should imitate for success. Michlic notes that the items are popular, presented as gifts, and in some circles are a "must item" in private businesses. According to Michlic this has led to a new group of Polish artists specializing in these artifacts, which create kitschy works to fulfill market demand. Michlic states that placing a positive spin on old antisemitic stereotypes is not unique to Poland, but also takes place in other post-communist eastern European countries such as Romania.[24]

Historian Magdalena Waligórska associates the paintings and sculptures with black magic, seeing them as serving an amulet function in a country now almost devoid of Jews.[25]

Musicologist and Jewish studies scholar Halina Goldberg notes that while the phenomena may be fascinating from commercial and ethnographic sense, it "is troubling that the most prevalent Polish image of Jewishness, one that is imprinted on the minds of people who know no other Jews, is that of the traditionally attired Orthodox Jew who has the power to control one's financial fortunes."[26]

Exhibits and performances

The 2013 Souvenir, Talisman, Toy exhibit at the Ethnographic Museum of Kraków, curated by Erica Lehrer, explored the development of Jewish figurines in general and the "Jew with a coin" in particular.[9][4] The exhibit was subsequently extended and displayed at the Galicia Jewish Museum.[27][28] The subsequent Lucky Jews / Na szczęście to Żyd book is an extended version of the exhibit catalog, and also contains a collection of letters sent to Polish authorities by Jews around the world that are outraged at the motif.[7]

As part of the 2017 Jewish Culture Festival in Kraków, inaugurating Festivalt site-specific events, a trio of street performers dressed in traditional Orthodox garb sat behind a desk, surrounded by a mock picture frame, and laden with old-style inkwell, accounting ledger and quill pen. Bringing the figurines to life, the performers offered "good fortune" to passerby in exchange for a few coins.[29] One of the performers, Michael Rubenfeld, continued performing in 2018.[30][11][31][32]

In 2019, the Jewish Museum London ran an exhibit titled Jews, Money, Myth exploring antisemitic imagery linking Jews with money. Alongside manifestations of antisemitic imagery dating back to Judas and Thirty pieces of silver, the exhibit featured a display case of the popular Polish "Lucky Jew" ceramic figurines.[33][34][35]

See also

References

  1. ^ a b c d e f g h i j k l m n o p q r s t u Tartakowsky, Ewa (2017). "Le Juif à la pièce d’argent". La vie des idées (in French). "The Jew with the Gold Coin". English translation by Dorval, Arianne. 24 April 2017.
  2. ^ a b c d Tokarska-Bakir, Joanna (18 February 2012). "Żyd z pieniążkiem podbija Polskę" [A Jew with a coin conquers Poland]. Gazeta Wyborcza (in Polish). Retrieved 25 August 2019.
  3. ^ a b c Tokarska-Bakir, Joanna (2019). "The Jew with a Coin: Analysis of a contemporary folkloric emblem" (PDF). The American Assocation for Polish-Jewish Studies. Retrieved 25 August 2019.
  4. ^ a b c d e f Mer, Benny (20 November 2014). "Why Are the Poles Amassing Jewish Figurines?". Haaretz. Retrieved 25 August 2019.
  5. ^ a b Belfer, Ilana (9 October 2013). "Hey Poland, What's Up with Those Lucky Jew Statues?". VICE. Retrieved 25 August 2019.
  6. ^ Gruber, Ruth Ellen (Fall 2009). "Beyond Virtually Jewish: New Authenticities and Real Imaginary Spaces in Europe" (PDF). The Jewish Quarterly Review. 99 (4): 487–504 – via Hebrew University of Jerusalem. My experience at Anatewka was my first with that particular line of money-clutching Jewish figurine, but identical figures are now for sale by the score in certain venues in Krakow and Warsaw. Jews and their supposed special association with money are a long-standing, often negative, stereotype and the frequent subject of paintings and other imagery. Poles have explained that there is a 'tradition of Polish people placing pictures of Jews with money in their hands near the entrance doors of their homes as a good luck omen.' 
  7. ^ a b c d e f g h i Dobrosielski, Paweł (2015). "„Żyd z pieniążkiem" jako praktyka polskiej: kultury wernakularnej" [The "Jew with a coin" as a practice of the polish vernacular culture: a preliminary research report] (PDF). Kultura Współczesna. 3 (87). National Centre for Culture [pl]: 61–75. Retrieved 25 August 2019.
  8. ^ Wydaje się, że niska znajomość oraz popularność magicznych rytuałów czynionych na wizerunku – skontrastowana z wysoką rozpoznawalnością "Żyda z pieniążkiem" – może wynikać z krótkiego rodowodu tego przesądu, który nie zdążył się jeszcze ugruntować jako praktyka automatyczna(...)Hipotezę o słabym ugruntowaniu praktyki w polskim kontekście kulturowym wzmacnia porównanie z wykonywaniem przez Polaków innych praktyk uznawanych z przesądne"Żyd z pieniążkiem" jako praktyka polskiej kultury wernakularnej. Wstępny raport z badań, "Kultura Współczesna" 2015, nr 3. Pawel Dobrosielski page 71
  9. ^ a b c Cała, Alina (2015). "Pamiątka, Zabawka, Talizman / Souvenir, Talisman, Toy (wystawa w Muzeum Etnograficznym w Krakowie, 2013 rok, kuratorka: Erica Lehrer". Studia Litteraria et Historica. 3 (4): 265–271. Retrieved 23 August 2019.
  10. ^ Luck Jews? Pictures + Essay by Erica Lehrer in Jewish Museum London's 2019 Jews, Money, Myth exhibition catalog, page 79
  11. ^ a b c d e f Liphshiz, Cnaan (18 August 2018). "Why 'Lucky Jew' imagery is so popular in Poland". The Times of Israel. Jewish Telegraphic Agency. Retrieved 25 August 2019.
  12. ^ a b USHMM VOICES ON ANTISEMITISM PODCAST, USHMM, 1 October 2015
  13. ^ Zawadzka, Anna. "Drinking vodka with anti-Semites. A case study of ‘Polish-Jewish relations’ today." Adeptus 11 (2018): 1-23. quote: "“A Jew with a coin” is an anti-Semitic picture people hang at home as a lucky charm bringing financial success, which can be bought across Poland in souvenir shops, newspaper stands, florists, art galleries and bazaars. The figure depicted in such pictures wears a hat or kippah. Putting a kippah on may therefore be interpreted as a gesture of self-exotization. It is putting a mask on, and taking part in a masquerade in the role of a Jew, designed to meet the needs of the Christian audience.
  14. ^ a b c Poland's mantelpiece Jews, The JC, 4 December 2014
  15. ^ Driving to Treblinka: A Long Search for a Lost Father, Diana Wichtel, 2018, Awa Press, page 144. link to extract from book in Nzherald, published 16 May 2018
  16. ^ a b c Zion, Ilan Ben (29 December 2014). "Real Jews are scarce in Warsaw, but 'lucky Jew' figurines are everywhere". The Times of Isreal. Retrieved 25 August 2019.
  17. ^ "Erica Lehrer — United States Holocaust Memorial Museum". www.ushmm.org.
  18. ^ [1] Collectible Jews: lovable tchatchkes or anti-Semitic paraphernalia? Evelyn Tauben Canadian Jewish News
  19. ^ a b "Żyd o imieniu Żyd" ("A Jew with the name Jew"), Bożena Umińska-Keff, 19 May 2012, originally published in Przekrój republished on Rzeczpospolita
  20. ^ [2]"Ta diagnoza, opublikowana w weekendowym wydaniu „Gazety Wyborczej”, wywołała drwiny i oburzenie"This diagnosis, published in weekend edition of "Gazeta Wyborcza", evoked ridicule and outrage".
  21. ^ Ludwik Stomma, "Bakir z pieniążkiem", "Polityka", volume 11 (2850), 14.03-20.03.2012.
  22. ^ „Własności” tego wizerunku niepokoją jednak przede wszystkim badaczy i publicystów, ogółowi Polaków praktyka wieszania „Żyda z pieniążkiem” wydaje sięchyba raczej sympatyczna, związana z nieszkodliwym zabobonem i pozytywnym stereotypem żydowskości. Wyrażane przez akademików zaniepokojenie,związane z rozpowszechnieniem tej praktyki, jej możliwymi ukrytymi sensamioraz utrwalanymi przez nią stereotypami nie powstrzymują Polaków przed pro-dukowaniem, kupowaniem i używaniem „Żyda z pieniążkiem”. Ekspercka debata odbywa się bowiem w zamkniętym systemowym obiegu specjalistycznejwiedzy przywołującej kontekst złożonej i wielowątkowej historii antysemickichuprzedzeń, którą można uznać za zamkniętą w odniesieniu do realnej pragmatyki społecznej, choć wciąż oddziałującą na poziomie społecznego imaginariumref>[3]"
  23. ^ Klezmer's Afterlife: An Ethnography of the Jewish Music Revival in Poland and Germany Magdalena Waligorska page 144 Oxford University Press 2013
  24. ^ Michlic, Joanna Beata (2016). "Memories of Jews and the Holocaust in Postcommunist Eastern Europe: The Case of Poland". In Seymour, David M.; Camino, Mercedes (eds.). The Holocaust in the Twenty-First Century: Contesting/Contested Memories. Taylor & Francis. pp. 138–139. ISBN 9781317299592.
  25. ^ Waligórska, Magdalena (1 August 2013). "The Jewish-theme whodunnit in contemporary Poland and Germany". East European Jewish Affairs. 43 (2): 143–161. doi:10.1080/13501674.2013.813129. ISSN 1350-1674.
  26. ^ Going to the People: Jews and the Ethnographic Impulse, chapter: Family Pictures at an Exchibition: History, Autobiography, and the Museum Exhibit on Jewish Lodz "In Mrs. Goldberg's Kitchen", Halina Goldberg, page 265
  27. ^ Souvenir, Talisman, Toy, Krakow Post, 10 September 2013
  28. ^ Popular Images of Jews in Krakow: Folk art or stereotypical caricatures?, Tablet, Dara Bramson, 18 February 2014
  29. ^ At Krakow festival, ‘Lucky Jew’ character plays on stereotypes to celebrate lost culture, Times of Israel, 28 July 2017
  30. ^ Meet the Canadian Who Wants to be Poland’s ‘Luckiest Jew’, 13 August 2018, Vice
  31. ^ Real, Live, Lucky Jews: A Conversation with FestivALT
  32. ^ Lucky Jew interviews
  33. ^ Jews Have Been Seen as ‘All About the Benjamins’ for 2,000 Years, New Exhibition Shows, Daniella Peled, Haaretz, 20 March 2019
  34. ^ Daniel Finkelstein: Next time I’m asked how antisemitism started, I’ll say ‘go to this exhibition’, The Times, Daniel Finkelstein, 20 March 2019
  35. ^ Applebaum, Diana (12 June 2019). "Filthy Lucre: A Look at the History of Jews and Money". Mosaic. Retrieved 21 June 2019.
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