Lamprini Rori
I am an Assistant Professor in Political Analysis at the University of Athens. Before joining the University of Athens, I was a Lecturer in Politics at Exeter University, the AG Leventis Visiting Fellow in Modern Greek Studies, at SEESOX in St Antony's College, University of Oxford and previously a Marie Curie (IE) Post-Doctoral Research Fellow, hosted by the Faculty of Media and Communication at Bournemouth University. I received a PhD in Political Science from Paris I University (Sorbonne), supervised by Professor Jacques Gerstlé. My thesis "Les organisations partisanes à la lumière de la professionnalisation de la communication politique: une présidentialisation inachevée. Analyse comparative du parti socialiste français et du mouvement socialiste grec" concerned party organizational change by the means of mass communication. I hold an MA in Political Sociology and Public Policy from Sciences Po Paris and an MA in Social and Political Communication from Paris I University (Sorbonne).
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database (PVGR) on political violence in Greece from 2008 to 2019. We
contribute to the literature, firstly, by examining both right-wing and leftwing
extremism and, secondly, by registering the whole spectrum of lowintensity
violent escalation from verbal and physical attacks to terrorism.
We gather data on internal-supply aspects of political violence and provide
measures of frequency, intensity, escalation, and geographical distribution.
We typologize evidence in analytical categories, thus contributing to the
classification of the phenomenon beyond ideological doctrines. We test core
theories on the causes of violence, and find empirical evidence that far left
violence is largely unresponsive to macro-level indicators of socioeconomic
grievances and political opportunities, whereas far right violence is primarily
associated with rising inequalities, sudden changes in immigration,
parliamentary representation of extremism and participation of radical
parties in government.
aspects of political violence: we identify its size, the actors involved and their
ideological background, the targets. We further provide measures of frequency, intensity, escalation and geographical distribution, which permit us to configure political violence in crisis-ridden Greece. We find an important increase in political violence in the period under study. We contribute to the literature of political violence in several ways. First, we offer the first comprehensive database of political violence in Greece. Second, we typologize evidence in analytical categories and measures, thus contributing to the classification of the phenomenon beyond ideological doctrines. Third, we clarify similarities and differences between the two kinds of violence, which implies specific policy implications.
database (PVGR) on political violence in Greece from 2008 to 2019. We
contribute to the literature, firstly, by examining both right-wing and leftwing
extremism and, secondly, by registering the whole spectrum of lowintensity
violent escalation from verbal and physical attacks to terrorism.
We gather data on internal-supply aspects of political violence and provide
measures of frequency, intensity, escalation, and geographical distribution.
We typologize evidence in analytical categories, thus contributing to the
classification of the phenomenon beyond ideological doctrines. We test core
theories on the causes of violence, and find empirical evidence that far left
violence is largely unresponsive to macro-level indicators of socioeconomic
grievances and political opportunities, whereas far right violence is primarily
associated with rising inequalities, sudden changes in immigration,
parliamentary representation of extremism and participation of radical
parties in government.
aspects of political violence: we identify its size, the actors involved and their
ideological background, the targets. We further provide measures of frequency, intensity, escalation and geographical distribution, which permit us to configure political violence in crisis-ridden Greece. We find an important increase in political violence in the period under study. We contribute to the literature of political violence in several ways. First, we offer the first comprehensive database of political violence in Greece. Second, we typologize evidence in analytical categories and measures, thus contributing to the classification of the phenomenon beyond ideological doctrines. Third, we clarify similarities and differences between the two kinds of violence, which implies specific policy implications.
Arthur Versluis, "A conversation about radicalism in contemporary Greece", Journal for the Study of Radicalism, Vol. 10, No 1, 2016, pp. 145-162. ISSN 1930-1189.
In the newly established Third Greek Republic, far-left terrorist groups committed hundreds of violent attacks and extreme right-wing groups and neo-Nazi militias have added in their turn to the overall stock of political violence. While tolerance for violence has changed significantly as a result of democratic consolidation and economic development (Koniordos 2018), political violence in Greece has remained extensive, multifaceted, and persistent (Kassimeris 2013). That said, however, the extent and nature of political violence in Greece are to a large degree unknown, and attempts to conceptualize, measure, and evaluate the phenomenon remain problematic and inadequate. Configured by [End Page vii] a variety of forms that can be distinguished in terms of repertoires, targets, actors, and ideological doctrines—and which therefore must be understood through a variety of methodological tools—the mosaic of political violence in Greece challenges scholars to produce thorough and up-to-date research into its causes and effects.
Building on insights from political sociology, comparative politics, linguistics, and history, this special section aims to contribute to such research. Bringing together scholars from different branches of the social sciences who are conducting research on political violence, extremism, and forms of radicalism that might lead to violent actions, it offers new evidence and original insights into the above-mentioned phenomena, providing an opportunity for inclusive and self-reflective debate on various facets of political violence. While the primary focus of these essays is Greece during the Third Republic, they also provide a broader perspective on emerging patterns, various pathways, and core mechanisms of engagement in political violence. Political violence encompasses many different types of conflicts and repertoires of actions. The authors address current debates and newly emerging topics and consider both right- and left-wing extremism and various types of perpetrator—ranging from violent organizations and groups of militants to lone actors—in order to understand violent forms of action, their evolution, similarities, differences and interactions. The center of research interest is non-state violent actions that challenge the state's monopoly of violence and the authority of elected officials in setting political goals.
The authors mainly concentrate on expressions of endemic violence characterized either by clandestine operations or by public actions. The levels of organization and intensity of violent episodes vary. A diverse array of targets and actors motivated by extremist views, like-minded individuals or leading figures at home or abroad can be found in the articles, informing us on the identity and blueprint of victims and perpetrators, as well as on the role of ideology and recruitment processes. Cross-national comparisons demonstrate transnational ties and actors' networks, alongside convergences and divergences of ideas, patterns and violent techniques across states. Political violence is increasing and may be increasingly fluid...