Books by Christian Rebhan
The European Union is attracting more and more members. But not all of Europe is equally attracte... more The European Union is attracting more and more members. But not all of Europe is equally attracted to membership. In Europe’s North-Atlantic outskirts, the Faroe Islands and Greenland – two largely autonomous parts of Denmark – are holding out against increased European integration. When Denmark joined the European Communities in 1973, the Faroe Islands remained outside. Greenland had to join the European Communities against its will. But in 1985, Greenland became the first and only nation so far to withdraw its membership. This book explores Euroscepticism in the Faroe Islands and Greenland since 1959. Why did the Faroe Islands and Greenland reject EU membership? In order to keep their waters free from European fishermen or to preserve their political independence? And what were the consequences of Denmark becoming a member of the EU, while two self-governing parts of its territory did not?
Papers by Christian Rebhan
The aim of this article is to explore the extent to which postcolonial politics affected the posi... more The aim of this article is to explore the extent to which postcolonial politics affected the position of the political parties in the Faroe Islands in the two debates about possible membership of the European Communities (EC) which were conducted from 1959 until 1963 and from 1970 until 1974.
The latest political developments in Iceland have been marked by the general elections in April 2... more The latest political developments in Iceland have been marked by the general elections in April 2013, changing the country’s political constellations considerably. Further negotiations on EU membership have been halted during the election campaign. With a change in government, accession negotiations could be postponed and their continuation referred to a referendum. Iceland has begun to recover from the financial crisis, but finding a solution to the problem of homeowner debt remains the dominant election topic. The future of the króna is undecided, while capital controls remain in place. The potential reform of the fisheries management system and of the Icelandic constitution have gotten stuck, while Iceland’s bilateral dispute with the UK and the Netherlands on the repayment of Icesave account holders was resolved in Iceland’s favour. Iceland’s involvement in the Baltic Sea Region continues along traditional lines.
Iceland dedicates a considerable part of its foreign policy activity to the Baltic Sea Region (BS... more Iceland dedicates a considerable part of its foreign policy activity to the Baltic Sea Region (BSR). It was the driving force behind the recognition of the independence of the three Baltic States, Estonia, Latvia and Lithuania, at the beginning of the 1990s. It actively campaigned for a speedy integration of Poland and the Baltic States into the institutional framework of the West in the 1990s and 2000s. Iceland also joined regional organisations such as the Council of the Baltic Sea States (CBSS). Not least because of these commitments, Iceland is conventionally considered to be a member of the BSR itself and an integral part of its political, economic and cultural dynamics (Bengtsson 2011: 11). Of course, co-operation with the states of the BSR is not Iceland’s top foreign policy priority. Iceland’s governments have traditionally focused on Iceland’s relationship with the United States, the other Nordic states and the European Union (EU). Due to its traditional dependence on fi sheries, Iceland also has a lot more in common with its more immediate neighbours in the North Atlantic than with the coastal states of the Baltic Sea. Moreover, its geographical location will make Iceland increasingly preoccupied with Arctic politics in the future. Yet, it remains striking that a small state such as Iceland, for which prioritisation is a prerequisite in its foreign policy, has focused on the BSR at all. At times, it tends to be overlooked that Iceland’s role in BSR politics is everything but obvious, as Iceland is a small state with only 320,000 inhabitants and a distance of 2,000 km from its capital to the outermost border of the BSR. What explains Iceland’s foreign policy commitment to the BSR?
Since it gained independence in 1944, Iceland has been very reluctant to integrate with internati... more Since it gained independence in 1944, Iceland has been very reluctant to integrate with international institutions. It has preferred different forms of partial integration to European Union (EU) membership and did not play an active role in those institutions it joined such as the North Atlantic Treaty Organisation. This paper argues that Iceland’s reluctance to integrate can be explained by the hegemony of a postcolonial discourse on independence which associates with independence the exclusive sovereignty over one’s territory and affairs. The paper traces the evolution of this discourse in Iceland after the financial crisis in 2008 and analyses whether or not the crisis brought about an end to its hegemony and thus made EU membership a more legitimate foreign policy option. The investigation shows that the financial crisis only initially affected the legitimacy of the postcolonial discourse on independence. Iceland applied for EU membership in 2009, but when the immediate shock of the financial crisis subsided, the discourse, strengthened by the Icesave dispute and the Euro crisis, gradually revived. The paper therefore concludes that the hegemony of the postcolonial discourse on independence has survived the crisis. This has significantly reduced the likelihood that Iceland’s accession negotiations will actually result in EU membership.
Scandinavian Political Studies, Jan 1, 2011
Iceland's application for European Union (EU) membership in summer 2009 suggests that the country... more Iceland's application for European Union (EU) membership in summer 2009 suggests that the country's political parties had reconsidered their longstanding scepticism towards European integration and opted for closer engagement with the EU after the financial crisis. Applying Moravcsik's liberal theory of preference formation, this article investigates the European policies of Iceland's political parties from 2007 to 2010, focusing on four related European issues which have been prominent in the Icelandic EU debate: an application to join the EU with no reservations; the unilateral adoption of the euro; the inclusion of a clause in the constitution allowing a transfer of sovereignty; and the holding of a referendum on an EU application. It analyses whether the economic crash actually led to a change in the political parties' economic preferences and to a subsequent reformulation and adaptation of their long-term European policy goals and, if not, then how Iceland's decision to apply for EU membership is to be understood. The article concludes that the parties' European policies have remained remarkably stable despite the EU application. This indicates that Iceland's EU membership application can only be understood through a thorough examination of domestic politics, to which liberal intergovernmentalism pays insufficient attention.
Book Reviews by Christian Rebhan
Greenland sees itself on the road to independence from Denmark. But although Greenlanders nearly ... more Greenland sees itself on the road to independence from Denmark. But although Greenlanders nearly unanimously agree that they ought to be independent, Greenland is still a part of the community of the realm today. In this book, Ulrik Pram Gad portrays Greenland’s self-image as being on the path to sovereignty and shows how this self-image affects the triangular EU–Greenland–Denmark relationship. Thus, the book combines postcoloniality, paradiplomacy and EU studies in a unique way.
"Science, Geopolitics and Culture in the Polar Region" is the second of five volumes in the serie... more "Science, Geopolitics and Culture in the Polar Region" is the second of five volumes in the series "The Nordic Experience" – the outcome of an interdisciplinary, multi-year research project at the Centre for Baltic and East European Studies at Stockholm’s Södertörn University.
»Er det overhovedet muligt at skrive en fælles vestnordisk historie« (21), fragt sich der isländi... more »Er det overhovedet muligt at skrive en fælles vestnordisk historie« (21), fragt sich der isländische Historiker Jón Th. Thór zu Beginn des ersten Sammelbandes über die Geschichte des „Westnordens“, also einer gemeinsamen Geschichte Islands, Grönlands und der Färöer. Dies ist die Kernfrage dieses Sammelbandes, sie zieht sich wie ein roter Faden durch das Buch hindurch und an ihr muss sich jedes Kapitel messen lassen. Für Thór und seine Mitherausgeber Daniel Thorleifsen, Andras Mortensen sowie Ole Marquardt lautet die Antwort auf die Frage eindeutig ja, zumindest was die Zeit von 985 bis 1400 betrifft und von 1721 bis heute (22–23)...
Articles by Christian Rebhan
Islands Interesse an einer EU-Mitgliedschaft ist erloschen, das zeigt der Ausgang der Wahlen am 2... more Islands Interesse an einer EU-Mitgliedschaft ist erloschen, das zeigt der Ausgang der Wahlen am 27. April. Tobias Etzold (SWP) und Christian Rebhan (Humboldt-Universität zu Berlin) machen Islands rasche wirtschaftliche Erholung und die Probleme in der Eurozone als Ursachen hierfür aus.
Uploads
Books by Christian Rebhan
Papers by Christian Rebhan
Book Reviews by Christian Rebhan
Articles by Christian Rebhan