Thesis by Asger Sørensen
This thesis presents work completed over the last decade that can be considered a continuous inve... more This thesis presents work completed over the last decade that can be considered a continuous investigation, and that I claim ultimately forms an argument. Still, in the form in which I have submitted the work, it consists of eleven separate studies already published, one in production, and an unpublished introduction that states the horizon, themes, and arguments of the thesis, argues for its relevance and overall consistency, and explains various details.
Allow me to apologize that the introduction became much longer than originally planned, especially since the length is not entirely justified by the content. I will therefore ask you to read it in the spirit in which it was written, namely as an introduction introducing the real work, a sort of overture anticipating its themes and affirming its unity. Read it quickly, learn about the perceived setting of the work submitted for evaluation and the author of it, but save your energy for the work itself, i.e., the following twelve chapters that are found elsewhere on my Academia.edu page!
Books by Asger Sørensen
Publication: https://brill.com/display/title/70173
Here at academia only the pre-review versi... more Publication: https://brill.com/display/title/70173
Here at academia only the pre-review version.
After years of neglect, alienation has again reached the agenda of critical thought. In my case, I recognize alienation as a challenge for education in contemporary societies. To obtain conceptual resources to overcome this challenge, I have revisited the comprehensive 20th century discussion of alienation. Today, alienation is naturally discussed as an existential condition of human being, but still in the 1980s, there was a strong Marxist current that claimed alienation to be implied by capitalism, in particular by the institution of private property and the social division of labor, and that alienation therefore should be criticized as part of the critique of capitalism and political economy and possibly overcome. Today, under the hegemony of neo-liberal capitalism, this critical and processual concept of alienation is more relevant than ever. Hence, in the present work I argue that the basic logic of Marx’s idea of alienation still has critical potential, and that it also has constructive political potential. The argument forms a long engagement with mainly 20th century literature, departing from the very idea of capitalism, considering the ideas of history, education and democracy, discussing how to distinguish and translate key terms, considering why alienation became an object of controversy among Marxists, offering an interpretation of Marx’s critique relevant for contemporary society, thus considering alienation a consequence of working under conditions of private property, i.e. being a human being in a capitalist society, and finally presenting Marx’s idea of communism as relevant to the contemporary political and educational agenda.
URL: https://brill.com/view/title/36299
In Capitalism, Alienation and Critique Asger Sørensen of... more URL: https://brill.com/view/title/36299
In Capitalism, Alienation and Critique Asger Sørensen offers a wide-ranging argument for the classical Critical Theory of the Frankfurt School, thus endorsing the dialectical approach of the original founders (Horkheimer, Adorno, Marcuse) and criticizing suggested revisions of later generations (Habermas, Honneth). Being situated within the horizon of the late 20th century Cultural Marxism, the main issue is the critique of capitalism, emphasizing experiences of injustice, ideology and alienation, and in particular exploring two fundamental subject matters within this horizon, namely economy and dialectics. Apart from in-depth discussions of classical political economy and Hegelian dialectics, the explorative and inclusive argument also takes issues with Émile Durkheim’s theory of value, the general economy of Georges Bataille and the dialectics of Mao Zedong.
Browse book: https://brill.com/fileasset/downloads_products/flipbooks/9789004362413/index.html
Seminar in Belgrade on the book: https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=8TUQRHEHKC4&feature=share&fbclid=IwAR0fGzQE7kZwjXRNs4irbxbbbrw7bIXed6qR2_aXSRWMhJSyvDaBd-a1JkQ
Special theme, Author meets critics from Shanghai and Belgrade (pp. 3-64): https://journal.instifdt.bg.ac.rs/index.php/fid/issue/view/58
Special theme, Author meets critics from Copenhagen (pp. 153-208)
https://journals.sagepub.com/toc/pscb/48/2
Reviews:
https://isegoria.revistas.csic.es/index.php/isegoria/article/view/1145/1178
https://revistas.um.es/daimon/article/view/411331
https://nome.unak.is/wordpress/volume-15-no-1-2020/book-review-volume-15-no-1-2020/asger-sorensen-capitalism-alienation-and-critique-studies-in-economy-and-dialectics-leiden-brill-2019/
https://en.unipress.dk/udgivelser/e/ethics,-democracy,-and-markets/
The present book comprises t... more https://en.unipress.dk/udgivelser/e/ethics,-democracy,-and-markets/
The present book comprises thirteen chapters written by Nordic scholars in the human and social sciences, and developed out of conference papers presented at regular winter and summer symposia held by two research groups emanating from the Nordic Summer University. Born within and informed by this specific milieu, the chapters address significant sociopolitical implications for contemporary societies emerging from the ethical reflections of leading 20th century thinkers (e.g. Michel Foucault and Jürgen Habermas), important procedural as well as substantive aspects of democracy, and pivotal ethico-political issues arising from the abstract logic and concrete manifestations of market economies. Though by no means devoid of their own economic, cultural and political problems, the Nordic countries are still paramount examples of humane prosperity, democratic civility, environmentally sound policy, and peaceful resolution of social and industrial conflicts. Year after year, if not decade after decade, they keep topping the international charts for socio-economic indicators about sostainable development, healthcare quality and accessibility, educational levels, crime control, preceived happiness and much else. As such, the scholarly and scientific reflections orginating within the Nordic Summer University might prove to be useful sources of insight for policy-makers, intellectuals and interested persons outside the Nordic context, and not solely inside it.
http://www.lit-verlag.de/isbn/3-643-90253-5
There is no education, which can avoid being politic... more http://www.lit-verlag.de/isbn/3-643-90253-5
There is no education, which can avoid being political. Still, the question is in which sense education is political, and if all education must be politics, or, if not, to what extent politics must be made the explicit telos of the formation and upbringing, and how the relation might be between the principles needed for education and those of the political sphere.
Today, after the successive collapses of the modern models of the good society, first realised socialism and then neo-liberal market society, the question is what the standards should be for education and especially what the relation should be between these standards and politics. Do we for instance have to raise human beings to become citizens of a civic republic, a world society or a league of nations? Can education limit itself to local concerns or must it transcend the limits to become international, transnational or even global? Should we educate to a global social democracy?
Hegel's influence on post-Hegelian philosophy is as profound as it is ambiguous. Modern philoso... more Hegel's influence on post-Hegelian philosophy is as profound as it is ambiguous. Modern philosophy is philosophy after Hegel. Taking leave of Hegel's system appears to be a common feature of modern and post-modern thought. One could even argue that giving up Hegel's claim of totality defines philosophy after Hegel. Modern and post-modern philosophies are philosophies of finitude: Hegel's philosophy cannot be repeated. However, its status as a negative backdrop for modern and post-modern thought already shows its pervasive influence. Precisely in its criticism of Hegel, modern thought is bound up with his thinking.
Articles and Chapters by Asger Sørensen
Filozofija I Društvo (Philosophy and Society), 2024
Pre-Review Version. Final version OA: https://journal.ifdt.bg.ac.rs/fid/issue/view/102
The Russi... more Pre-Review Version. Final version OA: https://journal.ifdt.bg.ac.rs/fid/issue/view/102
The Russian invasion of Ukraine has challenged the ideals of peace that many of us hold dear as leftwing critical intellectuals. As Immanuel Kant argued by the end of the 18 th century, realist law of peoples and the idea of just war should give way to the idea of perpetual peace, and fortunately, in the 20 th century, the principled opposition to war was institutionalized in the United Nations. However, when the aggressor has already taken possession of huge swathes of territory, calls for peace may be suspected of ideological bias. The right to defend yourself is almost universally recognized, but a military counter offensive to reconquer lost territory in not merely defense, but itself aggression and thus war. Many of us, however, want to support this effort in Ukraine, and what is worrying is that this brings us into the slippery slope towards opening up again the possibility of justifying war. As I argue, however, this is the way to go, both accepting the possible justification of war and the possible justification of specific activities and armament rather than other. We should thus take more seriously the ethics of war and all the specific normative challenges that this will require.
Emancipations, 2022
https://scholarsjunction.msstate.edu/emancipations/vol1/iss4/7/
Philosophy and Social Criticism, 2022
Prepublication version; final version https://journals.sagepub.com/doi/full/10.1177/0191453721105... more Prepublication version; final version https://journals.sagepub.com/doi/full/10.1177/01914537211059506
Being critical does not come easy, not even within Critical Theory. In this article I respond to criticism of my book from 2019, Capitalism, Alienation and Critique, arguing that contemporary Critical Theory has something to learn from the founding fathers. Firstly, for Adorno immanent critique has metaphysical implications beyond Honneth's critique of bourgeois society as inconsistent in terms of its professed ideals. Secondly, immanent critique is not the same as ideology critique, and when it comes to Horkheimer and Habermas, they conducted the latter rather than the former. Thirdly, even though today nature must be our concern, answers are to be found in politics and metaphysics rather than science. Finally, critique of neoliberalism should be conducted as critique of political economy, i.e. ideology critique, rather than sociological descriptions of the empirical details of globalized capitalism. Denaturalizing economics is a condition for economic democracy.
The general challenge that I am addressing, and for which I propose a remedy, is the perceived la... more The general challenge that I am addressing, and for which I propose a remedy, is the perceived lack of interest in citizenship education. To overcome, or at least mitigate, this challenge, I propose to invigorate democratic citizenship education by employing the fruitful German idea of Bildung. After a brief consideration of what may be the problem for citizenship education, namely alienation, I turn to Wolfgang Klafki's famous Studies in Bildung Theory and Didactics and his New Studies in the same subjects. I first sketch some of the conceptual potentials in the classical idea of Bildung, emphasizing generality, versatility, politics, and aesthetics. In continuation, I consider Bildung as a contemporary educational ideal, arguing thus with Klafki that pedagogy and didactics must endorse a renewed humanism, recognizing critically and constructively the classical educational heritage, the hermeneutics implied by this appreciation, empirical studies of education, and the ideology critique of Critical Theory. As Klafki, my overall goal is to provide a comprehensive theory of learning, teaching, and schooling, i.e., a general didactics. However, even in this general sense, the didactical ambition is still political, namely to sustain and develop a social democracy that stimulates further the continued strive for realizing a comprehensive idea of humanism.
https://journal.instifdt.bg.ac.rs/index.php/fid/article/view/1373
Hegel's Phenomenology of Spiri... more https://journal.instifdt.bg.ac.rs/index.php/fid/article/view/1373
Hegel's Phenomenology of Spirit put alienation high on the philosophical agenda, as it was readily recognized by Marx. Relatively well-known is also that Hegel was inspired to this by Goethe's translation of Diderot's dialogue Rameau's Nephew, but the details and the conceptual implications of these details typically escape attention. Recognizing the basic idea of alienation as not-belonging to, or being deprived of, something, I emphasize that alienation implies a movement towards the limits of human being, how the potential mental sufferings are conditioned by social pathologies and that this merits social criticism. To substantiate this, I show how Diderot's satire implies uncompromising materialist social criticism, but that this criticism does not employ the term 'aliénation', reserving it instead for a kind of frenzy that borders insanity. The claim is then that in Goethe's translation of Diderot's dialogue, and in his translation of 'aliénation' to 'Entfremdung', Hegel found a general key for the conceptual critique of the spirit of modernity. I therefore argue that in the Phenomenology, Hegel employed alienation in a more than one sense, raising madness to the level of Modernity, stressing the detrimental implications for consciousness under such living conditions, emphasizing how alienation works as negation, and finally, pointing also to the possibility of embracing social and political reality.
Filozofija i društvo / Philosophy and Society, 2021
https://journal.instifdt.bg.ac.rs/index.php/fid/issue/view/58
In my response, I initially defend... more https://journal.instifdt.bg.ac.rs/index.php/fid/issue/view/58
In my response, I initially defend my preference for classical Critical Theory, emphasizing its continued relevance in capitalist modernity, stressing that the epistemological approach does not imply dogmatism with regards to scientific theory or Historical Materialism, just as it does not imply closure with regards to political democracy. When it comes to the dialectics of the classics, I also defend an epistemological approach, arguing that the dialectics aiming for truth implies critique and negativity. However, confronted with the duality of transcendental ideas and historical relativity, I express my confidence in human intuition. Following Hegel, determinate negation must sublate the intuitively conceived universality to a new conception that contains the result of the negation. Finally, I do not see how the conceptual aporias of general economy can be solved by the current political degrowth project. Still, politics is what we need more of, namely social democracy.
Pre-review version. Final version: http://link-springer-com-443.webvpn.fjmu.edu.cn/chapter/10.100... more Pre-review version. Final version: http://link-springer-com-443.webvpn.fjmu.edu.cn/chapter/10.1007/978-3-030-49524-4_9
Considering citizenship education specifically in relation to deliberative politics, first, I focus on the role that Habermas in Between Facts and Norms allots to opinion and will formation as a kind of Bildung, emphasizing the collective aspect of discursive formation in the state as well as in civil society. Secondly, even though I have stressed the crucial role of deliberation in the formation to virtue, I recognize that Habermas attempts to combine the republican call for civic virtue with the liberal claims to have rights. Thirdly, I emphasize that also for Habermas Bildung in some sense constitutes the truth of human being, although it is not specified in detail. Fourthly, I argue that democratic citizenship education would benefit from a substantial notion of Bildung, but that Habermas does not support such an argument. Recognizing that Habermas’s idea of collective formation is restricted to providing justice in terms of politics and law, and bearing in mind the alienation in fact produced within the multitudes of modern capitalist and militarist society, I conclude by expressing the fear that Habermas’s account of democratic formation will not be sufficiently attractive to contemporary democratic citizens and thus unable to function as a normative ideal.
Eco-ethica, 2019
Pre-review version. Final version: https://www.pdcnet.org/ecoethica/content/ecoethica_2019_0008_0... more Pre-review version. Final version: https://www.pdcnet.org/ecoethica/content/ecoethica_2019_0008_0201_0244
Universities today growing in numbers, it is relevant to consider again the idea of the university. Consulting the classics of the discussion, I argue that we must retain the idealist notions of knowledge, science and truth professed by Newman in his argument for liberal education, although he neglects the possible corruption of the university faculty. The problem of corruption is recognized by Jaspers, criticizing however all idealist notions and leaving science and scholarship to rely only on existentialist morality. The problem for both classics, however, is that they think of academic freedom in an all too individualist way. Instead, I argue that the idea of the academic republic should be taken seriously, i.e. that a contemporary idea of the university must include suggestions for university government comprising institutional checks and balances. Only such a strong constitutional notion of academic freedom may counter neo-liberal reification of higher education, science and scholarship.
Danish Yearbook of Philosophy, 2019
Pre-review version.
Final version: https://brill.com/abstract/journals/dyp/aop/article-10.1163-... more Pre-review version.
Final version: https://brill.com/abstract/journals/dyp/aop/article-10.1163-24689300-05201003.xml
The idea of the university is habitually discussed in relation to German or English language classics. Instead, I focus on the Spanish language periphery, arguing that the discussions there merit attention for distinguishing between three central Old World models of the university, namely, apart from the English and the German, also a French. Moreover, the marginal perspective stresses the social and political importance of the university. In this perspective, José Ortega y Gasset deserves attention for an argument for a university in the service of a modern republican state. Ortega stresses the importance of a cultural formation that includes the sciences to take enlightened decisions, the distinction between teaching a discipline and doing research within it, and that between a scientist doing research and a highly educated professional practitioner. Unfortunately, the role of knowledge and truth is neglected. The argument from the periphery is therefore necessary, but not sufficient.
Eikasia, 2019
https://www.revistadefilosofia.org/numero89.htm
Thankfully, the challenge of alienation is now... more https://www.revistadefilosofia.org/numero89.htm
Thankfully, the challenge of alienation is now again taken seriously in intellectual discussions. Already years ago, Axel Honneth made reflections on alienation a defining issue for social philosophy per se, and as the prime example of social philosophy, he brought forth Critical Theory. Within this horizon, two conceptions of alienation have recently been proposed by Rahel Jaeggi and Hartmut Rosa, and the present article takes issue with both of these proposals, criticizing in particular their anti-essentialism. Hence, questioning the post-metaphysical agenda that Jaeggi has inherited from Honneth, I criticize her juxtaposition of the existentialist and the Marxist critique of alienation, her emphasis on the good life as autonomy, and, finally, her acceptance of post-modern and liberal criticism of metaphysics and ontology. Turning to Rosa, I appreciate his societal approach to the critique of alienation, emphasizing the significance of capitalist modernity; however, he also he accepts the post-metaphysical agenda, and his aesthetic idea of the good life as resonance remains strongly individualistic. Both of these conceptions of alienation thus have ideological implications that threaten to turn upside down the original intentions and implications of Critical Theory in relation to social and political justice. To conclude, the practically oriented criticism of capitalism, political economy and real-life politics is still relevant for understanding alienation, and therefore it is worth returning to the classics of the discussion.
Being in Prague means being engaged in cases and causes, feeling anxious, excited and alert, tryi... more Being in Prague means being engaged in cases and causes, feeling anxious, excited and alert, trying to convince others of your points and ideals, constantly arguing, attempting to gain a foothold in various hierarchies and networks, while also allowing yourself to make friends, drink and dance, submitting to other views and authorities, learning and experiencing with an intensity and at an academic level which is possible in few other places within academia. Ten times I have been drawn to Villa Lanna since my first attendance in 2006. Only once, in 2010, was I forced to send my apologies, being caught in the middle of a struggle for academic survival. It was during this absence that I first realized that I in fact belong to a community: 73 distinguished colleagues from 16 countries on 4 continents signed a petition urging my dean and rector to reconsider their priorities and expressing their deep concern about decisions 'taken from the perspective of short-term marketability'. Behind my back, the scholarly and scientific world had performed its inclusionary measures, and the university management, in those years still not completely estranged from academia, gave in. This experience was crucial, since recognition is the scarce resource that every scholar is trying so hard to obtain. Still, exclusion is prevalent and recognition comes in different guises; being part of the family does not secure your academic status. Science is a meritocracy, transforming knowledge to power, granting full professors scholarly authority and, by implication, also licence to determine the destiny of those with less institutional accreditation. The resulting hierarchical structures promote social relations and characters typical of feudal societies rather than democratic states, thus favouring dominance and submissiveness. Still, the scientific idea of knowledge implies that legitimacy depends on validity, and whether an argument is successful or not depends not only on established authority, but also on both formal criteria and situational social recognition. Equal opportunity meets institutional hierarchy-chance meets predictability.
Danish Yearbook of Philosophy, 2017
Final version: https://brill.com/abstract/journals/dyp/50/1/dyp.50.issue-1.xml
Introducing art... more Final version: https://brill.com/abstract/journals/dyp/50/1/dyp.50.issue-1.xml
Introducing articles on Kant’s Toward Perpetual Peace, various interpretative questions are discussed. Externally, alleged senility is contrasted with political maturity, just as irony and rhetorics are discussed in relation to (self-)censorship and the French Revolution. Internally, Kant scholars have discussed, e.g. the use of ‘eternal’ vs. ‘perpetual’, the question of preventive war, and, more in general, the relation between Kant’s political writings. In relation to the three definitive articles on state law, law of people and world citizen law, issues are, e.g., Kant’s conception of constitution, democracy and their relation to peace, peace federation vs. world republic, thesis vs. hypothesis, and various ideas of sovereignty, as well as cosmopolitanism vs. world citizen right. Finally, questions concerning morality vs. politics and concerning transcendental publicity are presented.
Philosophy & Social Criticism, 2016
Final version: http://psc.sagepub.com/content/early/2015/03/13/0191453714566483.abstract
Today t... more Final version: http://psc.sagepub.com/content/early/2015/03/13/0191453714566483.abstract
Today the idea of cosmopolitanism has become widely accepted as an appropriate answer to what we now call globalization. A key reference is Kant who argues for a Recht of the world citizen, and this is normally understood as a cosmopolitan law. Apparently Kant lets the law of the world citizen be limited to a right to visit, but somehow his peace project must imply something more than just this very modest claim. Following a hint from Kant himself I take a closer look at the material aspect of cosmopolitanism, i.e. the economy of travelling, and it appears that cosmopolitanism can function as an ideology for letting possible investors look for business cases, that is, for promising places for capitalist exploitation. As an answer to such strong material processes cosmopolitanism is insufficient, both as a moral imperative and as a stipulated right. What we need is a more comprehensive political and legal perspective and the solutions they indicate. To get inspiration to this, however, we can turn to Kant again, since it turns out that he does not argue for cosmopolitanism at all, neither as a program nor as an ideology. For Kant the overall goal is perpetual peace, and the law of the world citizen only represents one subordinate element. As an answer to globalization we should thus drop the limited ideal of cosmopolitanism and follow Kant in his ambition of a threefold political constitution comprising state law, law of the people and law of the world citizen.
Uploads
Thesis by Asger Sørensen
Allow me to apologize that the introduction became much longer than originally planned, especially since the length is not entirely justified by the content. I will therefore ask you to read it in the spirit in which it was written, namely as an introduction introducing the real work, a sort of overture anticipating its themes and affirming its unity. Read it quickly, learn about the perceived setting of the work submitted for evaluation and the author of it, but save your energy for the work itself, i.e., the following twelve chapters that are found elsewhere on my Academia.edu page!
Books by Asger Sørensen
Here at academia only the pre-review version.
After years of neglect, alienation has again reached the agenda of critical thought. In my case, I recognize alienation as a challenge for education in contemporary societies. To obtain conceptual resources to overcome this challenge, I have revisited the comprehensive 20th century discussion of alienation. Today, alienation is naturally discussed as an existential condition of human being, but still in the 1980s, there was a strong Marxist current that claimed alienation to be implied by capitalism, in particular by the institution of private property and the social division of labor, and that alienation therefore should be criticized as part of the critique of capitalism and political economy and possibly overcome. Today, under the hegemony of neo-liberal capitalism, this critical and processual concept of alienation is more relevant than ever. Hence, in the present work I argue that the basic logic of Marx’s idea of alienation still has critical potential, and that it also has constructive political potential. The argument forms a long engagement with mainly 20th century literature, departing from the very idea of capitalism, considering the ideas of history, education and democracy, discussing how to distinguish and translate key terms, considering why alienation became an object of controversy among Marxists, offering an interpretation of Marx’s critique relevant for contemporary society, thus considering alienation a consequence of working under conditions of private property, i.e. being a human being in a capitalist society, and finally presenting Marx’s idea of communism as relevant to the contemporary political and educational agenda.
In Capitalism, Alienation and Critique Asger Sørensen offers a wide-ranging argument for the classical Critical Theory of the Frankfurt School, thus endorsing the dialectical approach of the original founders (Horkheimer, Adorno, Marcuse) and criticizing suggested revisions of later generations (Habermas, Honneth). Being situated within the horizon of the late 20th century Cultural Marxism, the main issue is the critique of capitalism, emphasizing experiences of injustice, ideology and alienation, and in particular exploring two fundamental subject matters within this horizon, namely economy and dialectics. Apart from in-depth discussions of classical political economy and Hegelian dialectics, the explorative and inclusive argument also takes issues with Émile Durkheim’s theory of value, the general economy of Georges Bataille and the dialectics of Mao Zedong.
Browse book: https://brill.com/fileasset/downloads_products/flipbooks/9789004362413/index.html
Seminar in Belgrade on the book: https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=8TUQRHEHKC4&feature=share&fbclid=IwAR0fGzQE7kZwjXRNs4irbxbbbrw7bIXed6qR2_aXSRWMhJSyvDaBd-a1JkQ
Special theme, Author meets critics from Shanghai and Belgrade (pp. 3-64): https://journal.instifdt.bg.ac.rs/index.php/fid/issue/view/58
Special theme, Author meets critics from Copenhagen (pp. 153-208)
https://journals.sagepub.com/toc/pscb/48/2
Reviews:
https://isegoria.revistas.csic.es/index.php/isegoria/article/view/1145/1178
https://revistas.um.es/daimon/article/view/411331
https://nome.unak.is/wordpress/volume-15-no-1-2020/book-review-volume-15-no-1-2020/asger-sorensen-capitalism-alienation-and-critique-studies-in-economy-and-dialectics-leiden-brill-2019/
The present book comprises thirteen chapters written by Nordic scholars in the human and social sciences, and developed out of conference papers presented at regular winter and summer symposia held by two research groups emanating from the Nordic Summer University. Born within and informed by this specific milieu, the chapters address significant sociopolitical implications for contemporary societies emerging from the ethical reflections of leading 20th century thinkers (e.g. Michel Foucault and Jürgen Habermas), important procedural as well as substantive aspects of democracy, and pivotal ethico-political issues arising from the abstract logic and concrete manifestations of market economies. Though by no means devoid of their own economic, cultural and political problems, the Nordic countries are still paramount examples of humane prosperity, democratic civility, environmentally sound policy, and peaceful resolution of social and industrial conflicts. Year after year, if not decade after decade, they keep topping the international charts for socio-economic indicators about sostainable development, healthcare quality and accessibility, educational levels, crime control, preceived happiness and much else. As such, the scholarly and scientific reflections orginating within the Nordic Summer University might prove to be useful sources of insight for policy-makers, intellectuals and interested persons outside the Nordic context, and not solely inside it.
There is no education, which can avoid being political. Still, the question is in which sense education is political, and if all education must be politics, or, if not, to what extent politics must be made the explicit telos of the formation and upbringing, and how the relation might be between the principles needed for education and those of the political sphere.
Today, after the successive collapses of the modern models of the good society, first realised socialism and then neo-liberal market society, the question is what the standards should be for education and especially what the relation should be between these standards and politics. Do we for instance have to raise human beings to become citizens of a civic republic, a world society or a league of nations? Can education limit itself to local concerns or must it transcend the limits to become international, transnational or even global? Should we educate to a global social democracy?
Articles and Chapters by Asger Sørensen
The Russian invasion of Ukraine has challenged the ideals of peace that many of us hold dear as leftwing critical intellectuals. As Immanuel Kant argued by the end of the 18 th century, realist law of peoples and the idea of just war should give way to the idea of perpetual peace, and fortunately, in the 20 th century, the principled opposition to war was institutionalized in the United Nations. However, when the aggressor has already taken possession of huge swathes of territory, calls for peace may be suspected of ideological bias. The right to defend yourself is almost universally recognized, but a military counter offensive to reconquer lost territory in not merely defense, but itself aggression and thus war. Many of us, however, want to support this effort in Ukraine, and what is worrying is that this brings us into the slippery slope towards opening up again the possibility of justifying war. As I argue, however, this is the way to go, both accepting the possible justification of war and the possible justification of specific activities and armament rather than other. We should thus take more seriously the ethics of war and all the specific normative challenges that this will require.
Being critical does not come easy, not even within Critical Theory. In this article I respond to criticism of my book from 2019, Capitalism, Alienation and Critique, arguing that contemporary Critical Theory has something to learn from the founding fathers. Firstly, for Adorno immanent critique has metaphysical implications beyond Honneth's critique of bourgeois society as inconsistent in terms of its professed ideals. Secondly, immanent critique is not the same as ideology critique, and when it comes to Horkheimer and Habermas, they conducted the latter rather than the former. Thirdly, even though today nature must be our concern, answers are to be found in politics and metaphysics rather than science. Finally, critique of neoliberalism should be conducted as critique of political economy, i.e. ideology critique, rather than sociological descriptions of the empirical details of globalized capitalism. Denaturalizing economics is a condition for economic democracy.
Hegel's Phenomenology of Spirit put alienation high on the philosophical agenda, as it was readily recognized by Marx. Relatively well-known is also that Hegel was inspired to this by Goethe's translation of Diderot's dialogue Rameau's Nephew, but the details and the conceptual implications of these details typically escape attention. Recognizing the basic idea of alienation as not-belonging to, or being deprived of, something, I emphasize that alienation implies a movement towards the limits of human being, how the potential mental sufferings are conditioned by social pathologies and that this merits social criticism. To substantiate this, I show how Diderot's satire implies uncompromising materialist social criticism, but that this criticism does not employ the term 'aliénation', reserving it instead for a kind of frenzy that borders insanity. The claim is then that in Goethe's translation of Diderot's dialogue, and in his translation of 'aliénation' to 'Entfremdung', Hegel found a general key for the conceptual critique of the spirit of modernity. I therefore argue that in the Phenomenology, Hegel employed alienation in a more than one sense, raising madness to the level of Modernity, stressing the detrimental implications for consciousness under such living conditions, emphasizing how alienation works as negation, and finally, pointing also to the possibility of embracing social and political reality.
In my response, I initially defend my preference for classical Critical Theory, emphasizing its continued relevance in capitalist modernity, stressing that the epistemological approach does not imply dogmatism with regards to scientific theory or Historical Materialism, just as it does not imply closure with regards to political democracy. When it comes to the dialectics of the classics, I also defend an epistemological approach, arguing that the dialectics aiming for truth implies critique and negativity. However, confronted with the duality of transcendental ideas and historical relativity, I express my confidence in human intuition. Following Hegel, determinate negation must sublate the intuitively conceived universality to a new conception that contains the result of the negation. Finally, I do not see how the conceptual aporias of general economy can be solved by the current political degrowth project. Still, politics is what we need more of, namely social democracy.
Considering citizenship education specifically in relation to deliberative politics, first, I focus on the role that Habermas in Between Facts and Norms allots to opinion and will formation as a kind of Bildung, emphasizing the collective aspect of discursive formation in the state as well as in civil society. Secondly, even though I have stressed the crucial role of deliberation in the formation to virtue, I recognize that Habermas attempts to combine the republican call for civic virtue with the liberal claims to have rights. Thirdly, I emphasize that also for Habermas Bildung in some sense constitutes the truth of human being, although it is not specified in detail. Fourthly, I argue that democratic citizenship education would benefit from a substantial notion of Bildung, but that Habermas does not support such an argument. Recognizing that Habermas’s idea of collective formation is restricted to providing justice in terms of politics and law, and bearing in mind the alienation in fact produced within the multitudes of modern capitalist and militarist society, I conclude by expressing the fear that Habermas’s account of democratic formation will not be sufficiently attractive to contemporary democratic citizens and thus unable to function as a normative ideal.
Universities today growing in numbers, it is relevant to consider again the idea of the university. Consulting the classics of the discussion, I argue that we must retain the idealist notions of knowledge, science and truth professed by Newman in his argument for liberal education, although he neglects the possible corruption of the university faculty. The problem of corruption is recognized by Jaspers, criticizing however all idealist notions and leaving science and scholarship to rely only on existentialist morality. The problem for both classics, however, is that they think of academic freedom in an all too individualist way. Instead, I argue that the idea of the academic republic should be taken seriously, i.e. that a contemporary idea of the university must include suggestions for university government comprising institutional checks and balances. Only such a strong constitutional notion of academic freedom may counter neo-liberal reification of higher education, science and scholarship.
Final version: https://brill.com/abstract/journals/dyp/aop/article-10.1163-24689300-05201003.xml
The idea of the university is habitually discussed in relation to German or English language classics. Instead, I focus on the Spanish language periphery, arguing that the discussions there merit attention for distinguishing between three central Old World models of the university, namely, apart from the English and the German, also a French. Moreover, the marginal perspective stresses the social and political importance of the university. In this perspective, José Ortega y Gasset deserves attention for an argument for a university in the service of a modern republican state. Ortega stresses the importance of a cultural formation that includes the sciences to take enlightened decisions, the distinction between teaching a discipline and doing research within it, and that between a scientist doing research and a highly educated professional practitioner. Unfortunately, the role of knowledge and truth is neglected. The argument from the periphery is therefore necessary, but not sufficient.
Thankfully, the challenge of alienation is now again taken seriously in intellectual discussions. Already years ago, Axel Honneth made reflections on alienation a defining issue for social philosophy per se, and as the prime example of social philosophy, he brought forth Critical Theory. Within this horizon, two conceptions of alienation have recently been proposed by Rahel Jaeggi and Hartmut Rosa, and the present article takes issue with both of these proposals, criticizing in particular their anti-essentialism. Hence, questioning the post-metaphysical agenda that Jaeggi has inherited from Honneth, I criticize her juxtaposition of the existentialist and the Marxist critique of alienation, her emphasis on the good life as autonomy, and, finally, her acceptance of post-modern and liberal criticism of metaphysics and ontology. Turning to Rosa, I appreciate his societal approach to the critique of alienation, emphasizing the significance of capitalist modernity; however, he also he accepts the post-metaphysical agenda, and his aesthetic idea of the good life as resonance remains strongly individualistic. Both of these conceptions of alienation thus have ideological implications that threaten to turn upside down the original intentions and implications of Critical Theory in relation to social and political justice. To conclude, the practically oriented criticism of capitalism, political economy and real-life politics is still relevant for understanding alienation, and therefore it is worth returning to the classics of the discussion.
Introducing articles on Kant’s Toward Perpetual Peace, various interpretative questions are discussed. Externally, alleged senility is contrasted with political maturity, just as irony and rhetorics are discussed in relation to (self-)censorship and the French Revolution. Internally, Kant scholars have discussed, e.g. the use of ‘eternal’ vs. ‘perpetual’, the question of preventive war, and, more in general, the relation between Kant’s political writings. In relation to the three definitive articles on state law, law of people and world citizen law, issues are, e.g., Kant’s conception of constitution, democracy and their relation to peace, peace federation vs. world republic, thesis vs. hypothesis, and various ideas of sovereignty, as well as cosmopolitanism vs. world citizen right. Finally, questions concerning morality vs. politics and concerning transcendental publicity are presented.
Today the idea of cosmopolitanism has become widely accepted as an appropriate answer to what we now call globalization. A key reference is Kant who argues for a Recht of the world citizen, and this is normally understood as a cosmopolitan law. Apparently Kant lets the law of the world citizen be limited to a right to visit, but somehow his peace project must imply something more than just this very modest claim. Following a hint from Kant himself I take a closer look at the material aspect of cosmopolitanism, i.e. the economy of travelling, and it appears that cosmopolitanism can function as an ideology for letting possible investors look for business cases, that is, for promising places for capitalist exploitation. As an answer to such strong material processes cosmopolitanism is insufficient, both as a moral imperative and as a stipulated right. What we need is a more comprehensive political and legal perspective and the solutions they indicate. To get inspiration to this, however, we can turn to Kant again, since it turns out that he does not argue for cosmopolitanism at all, neither as a program nor as an ideology. For Kant the overall goal is perpetual peace, and the law of the world citizen only represents one subordinate element. As an answer to globalization we should thus drop the limited ideal of cosmopolitanism and follow Kant in his ambition of a threefold political constitution comprising state law, law of the people and law of the world citizen.
Allow me to apologize that the introduction became much longer than originally planned, especially since the length is not entirely justified by the content. I will therefore ask you to read it in the spirit in which it was written, namely as an introduction introducing the real work, a sort of overture anticipating its themes and affirming its unity. Read it quickly, learn about the perceived setting of the work submitted for evaluation and the author of it, but save your energy for the work itself, i.e., the following twelve chapters that are found elsewhere on my Academia.edu page!
Here at academia only the pre-review version.
After years of neglect, alienation has again reached the agenda of critical thought. In my case, I recognize alienation as a challenge for education in contemporary societies. To obtain conceptual resources to overcome this challenge, I have revisited the comprehensive 20th century discussion of alienation. Today, alienation is naturally discussed as an existential condition of human being, but still in the 1980s, there was a strong Marxist current that claimed alienation to be implied by capitalism, in particular by the institution of private property and the social division of labor, and that alienation therefore should be criticized as part of the critique of capitalism and political economy and possibly overcome. Today, under the hegemony of neo-liberal capitalism, this critical and processual concept of alienation is more relevant than ever. Hence, in the present work I argue that the basic logic of Marx’s idea of alienation still has critical potential, and that it also has constructive political potential. The argument forms a long engagement with mainly 20th century literature, departing from the very idea of capitalism, considering the ideas of history, education and democracy, discussing how to distinguish and translate key terms, considering why alienation became an object of controversy among Marxists, offering an interpretation of Marx’s critique relevant for contemporary society, thus considering alienation a consequence of working under conditions of private property, i.e. being a human being in a capitalist society, and finally presenting Marx’s idea of communism as relevant to the contemporary political and educational agenda.
In Capitalism, Alienation and Critique Asger Sørensen offers a wide-ranging argument for the classical Critical Theory of the Frankfurt School, thus endorsing the dialectical approach of the original founders (Horkheimer, Adorno, Marcuse) and criticizing suggested revisions of later generations (Habermas, Honneth). Being situated within the horizon of the late 20th century Cultural Marxism, the main issue is the critique of capitalism, emphasizing experiences of injustice, ideology and alienation, and in particular exploring two fundamental subject matters within this horizon, namely economy and dialectics. Apart from in-depth discussions of classical political economy and Hegelian dialectics, the explorative and inclusive argument also takes issues with Émile Durkheim’s theory of value, the general economy of Georges Bataille and the dialectics of Mao Zedong.
Browse book: https://brill.com/fileasset/downloads_products/flipbooks/9789004362413/index.html
Seminar in Belgrade on the book: https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=8TUQRHEHKC4&feature=share&fbclid=IwAR0fGzQE7kZwjXRNs4irbxbbbrw7bIXed6qR2_aXSRWMhJSyvDaBd-a1JkQ
Special theme, Author meets critics from Shanghai and Belgrade (pp. 3-64): https://journal.instifdt.bg.ac.rs/index.php/fid/issue/view/58
Special theme, Author meets critics from Copenhagen (pp. 153-208)
https://journals.sagepub.com/toc/pscb/48/2
Reviews:
https://isegoria.revistas.csic.es/index.php/isegoria/article/view/1145/1178
https://revistas.um.es/daimon/article/view/411331
https://nome.unak.is/wordpress/volume-15-no-1-2020/book-review-volume-15-no-1-2020/asger-sorensen-capitalism-alienation-and-critique-studies-in-economy-and-dialectics-leiden-brill-2019/
The present book comprises thirteen chapters written by Nordic scholars in the human and social sciences, and developed out of conference papers presented at regular winter and summer symposia held by two research groups emanating from the Nordic Summer University. Born within and informed by this specific milieu, the chapters address significant sociopolitical implications for contemporary societies emerging from the ethical reflections of leading 20th century thinkers (e.g. Michel Foucault and Jürgen Habermas), important procedural as well as substantive aspects of democracy, and pivotal ethico-political issues arising from the abstract logic and concrete manifestations of market economies. Though by no means devoid of their own economic, cultural and political problems, the Nordic countries are still paramount examples of humane prosperity, democratic civility, environmentally sound policy, and peaceful resolution of social and industrial conflicts. Year after year, if not decade after decade, they keep topping the international charts for socio-economic indicators about sostainable development, healthcare quality and accessibility, educational levels, crime control, preceived happiness and much else. As such, the scholarly and scientific reflections orginating within the Nordic Summer University might prove to be useful sources of insight for policy-makers, intellectuals and interested persons outside the Nordic context, and not solely inside it.
There is no education, which can avoid being political. Still, the question is in which sense education is political, and if all education must be politics, or, if not, to what extent politics must be made the explicit telos of the formation and upbringing, and how the relation might be between the principles needed for education and those of the political sphere.
Today, after the successive collapses of the modern models of the good society, first realised socialism and then neo-liberal market society, the question is what the standards should be for education and especially what the relation should be between these standards and politics. Do we for instance have to raise human beings to become citizens of a civic republic, a world society or a league of nations? Can education limit itself to local concerns or must it transcend the limits to become international, transnational or even global? Should we educate to a global social democracy?
The Russian invasion of Ukraine has challenged the ideals of peace that many of us hold dear as leftwing critical intellectuals. As Immanuel Kant argued by the end of the 18 th century, realist law of peoples and the idea of just war should give way to the idea of perpetual peace, and fortunately, in the 20 th century, the principled opposition to war was institutionalized in the United Nations. However, when the aggressor has already taken possession of huge swathes of territory, calls for peace may be suspected of ideological bias. The right to defend yourself is almost universally recognized, but a military counter offensive to reconquer lost territory in not merely defense, but itself aggression and thus war. Many of us, however, want to support this effort in Ukraine, and what is worrying is that this brings us into the slippery slope towards opening up again the possibility of justifying war. As I argue, however, this is the way to go, both accepting the possible justification of war and the possible justification of specific activities and armament rather than other. We should thus take more seriously the ethics of war and all the specific normative challenges that this will require.
Being critical does not come easy, not even within Critical Theory. In this article I respond to criticism of my book from 2019, Capitalism, Alienation and Critique, arguing that contemporary Critical Theory has something to learn from the founding fathers. Firstly, for Adorno immanent critique has metaphysical implications beyond Honneth's critique of bourgeois society as inconsistent in terms of its professed ideals. Secondly, immanent critique is not the same as ideology critique, and when it comes to Horkheimer and Habermas, they conducted the latter rather than the former. Thirdly, even though today nature must be our concern, answers are to be found in politics and metaphysics rather than science. Finally, critique of neoliberalism should be conducted as critique of political economy, i.e. ideology critique, rather than sociological descriptions of the empirical details of globalized capitalism. Denaturalizing economics is a condition for economic democracy.
Hegel's Phenomenology of Spirit put alienation high on the philosophical agenda, as it was readily recognized by Marx. Relatively well-known is also that Hegel was inspired to this by Goethe's translation of Diderot's dialogue Rameau's Nephew, but the details and the conceptual implications of these details typically escape attention. Recognizing the basic idea of alienation as not-belonging to, or being deprived of, something, I emphasize that alienation implies a movement towards the limits of human being, how the potential mental sufferings are conditioned by social pathologies and that this merits social criticism. To substantiate this, I show how Diderot's satire implies uncompromising materialist social criticism, but that this criticism does not employ the term 'aliénation', reserving it instead for a kind of frenzy that borders insanity. The claim is then that in Goethe's translation of Diderot's dialogue, and in his translation of 'aliénation' to 'Entfremdung', Hegel found a general key for the conceptual critique of the spirit of modernity. I therefore argue that in the Phenomenology, Hegel employed alienation in a more than one sense, raising madness to the level of Modernity, stressing the detrimental implications for consciousness under such living conditions, emphasizing how alienation works as negation, and finally, pointing also to the possibility of embracing social and political reality.
In my response, I initially defend my preference for classical Critical Theory, emphasizing its continued relevance in capitalist modernity, stressing that the epistemological approach does not imply dogmatism with regards to scientific theory or Historical Materialism, just as it does not imply closure with regards to political democracy. When it comes to the dialectics of the classics, I also defend an epistemological approach, arguing that the dialectics aiming for truth implies critique and negativity. However, confronted with the duality of transcendental ideas and historical relativity, I express my confidence in human intuition. Following Hegel, determinate negation must sublate the intuitively conceived universality to a new conception that contains the result of the negation. Finally, I do not see how the conceptual aporias of general economy can be solved by the current political degrowth project. Still, politics is what we need more of, namely social democracy.
Considering citizenship education specifically in relation to deliberative politics, first, I focus on the role that Habermas in Between Facts and Norms allots to opinion and will formation as a kind of Bildung, emphasizing the collective aspect of discursive formation in the state as well as in civil society. Secondly, even though I have stressed the crucial role of deliberation in the formation to virtue, I recognize that Habermas attempts to combine the republican call for civic virtue with the liberal claims to have rights. Thirdly, I emphasize that also for Habermas Bildung in some sense constitutes the truth of human being, although it is not specified in detail. Fourthly, I argue that democratic citizenship education would benefit from a substantial notion of Bildung, but that Habermas does not support such an argument. Recognizing that Habermas’s idea of collective formation is restricted to providing justice in terms of politics and law, and bearing in mind the alienation in fact produced within the multitudes of modern capitalist and militarist society, I conclude by expressing the fear that Habermas’s account of democratic formation will not be sufficiently attractive to contemporary democratic citizens and thus unable to function as a normative ideal.
Universities today growing in numbers, it is relevant to consider again the idea of the university. Consulting the classics of the discussion, I argue that we must retain the idealist notions of knowledge, science and truth professed by Newman in his argument for liberal education, although he neglects the possible corruption of the university faculty. The problem of corruption is recognized by Jaspers, criticizing however all idealist notions and leaving science and scholarship to rely only on existentialist morality. The problem for both classics, however, is that they think of academic freedom in an all too individualist way. Instead, I argue that the idea of the academic republic should be taken seriously, i.e. that a contemporary idea of the university must include suggestions for university government comprising institutional checks and balances. Only such a strong constitutional notion of academic freedom may counter neo-liberal reification of higher education, science and scholarship.
Final version: https://brill.com/abstract/journals/dyp/aop/article-10.1163-24689300-05201003.xml
The idea of the university is habitually discussed in relation to German or English language classics. Instead, I focus on the Spanish language periphery, arguing that the discussions there merit attention for distinguishing between three central Old World models of the university, namely, apart from the English and the German, also a French. Moreover, the marginal perspective stresses the social and political importance of the university. In this perspective, José Ortega y Gasset deserves attention for an argument for a university in the service of a modern republican state. Ortega stresses the importance of a cultural formation that includes the sciences to take enlightened decisions, the distinction between teaching a discipline and doing research within it, and that between a scientist doing research and a highly educated professional practitioner. Unfortunately, the role of knowledge and truth is neglected. The argument from the periphery is therefore necessary, but not sufficient.
Thankfully, the challenge of alienation is now again taken seriously in intellectual discussions. Already years ago, Axel Honneth made reflections on alienation a defining issue for social philosophy per se, and as the prime example of social philosophy, he brought forth Critical Theory. Within this horizon, two conceptions of alienation have recently been proposed by Rahel Jaeggi and Hartmut Rosa, and the present article takes issue with both of these proposals, criticizing in particular their anti-essentialism. Hence, questioning the post-metaphysical agenda that Jaeggi has inherited from Honneth, I criticize her juxtaposition of the existentialist and the Marxist critique of alienation, her emphasis on the good life as autonomy, and, finally, her acceptance of post-modern and liberal criticism of metaphysics and ontology. Turning to Rosa, I appreciate his societal approach to the critique of alienation, emphasizing the significance of capitalist modernity; however, he also he accepts the post-metaphysical agenda, and his aesthetic idea of the good life as resonance remains strongly individualistic. Both of these conceptions of alienation thus have ideological implications that threaten to turn upside down the original intentions and implications of Critical Theory in relation to social and political justice. To conclude, the practically oriented criticism of capitalism, political economy and real-life politics is still relevant for understanding alienation, and therefore it is worth returning to the classics of the discussion.
Introducing articles on Kant’s Toward Perpetual Peace, various interpretative questions are discussed. Externally, alleged senility is contrasted with political maturity, just as irony and rhetorics are discussed in relation to (self-)censorship and the French Revolution. Internally, Kant scholars have discussed, e.g. the use of ‘eternal’ vs. ‘perpetual’, the question of preventive war, and, more in general, the relation between Kant’s political writings. In relation to the three definitive articles on state law, law of people and world citizen law, issues are, e.g., Kant’s conception of constitution, democracy and their relation to peace, peace federation vs. world republic, thesis vs. hypothesis, and various ideas of sovereignty, as well as cosmopolitanism vs. world citizen right. Finally, questions concerning morality vs. politics and concerning transcendental publicity are presented.
Today the idea of cosmopolitanism has become widely accepted as an appropriate answer to what we now call globalization. A key reference is Kant who argues for a Recht of the world citizen, and this is normally understood as a cosmopolitan law. Apparently Kant lets the law of the world citizen be limited to a right to visit, but somehow his peace project must imply something more than just this very modest claim. Following a hint from Kant himself I take a closer look at the material aspect of cosmopolitanism, i.e. the economy of travelling, and it appears that cosmopolitanism can function as an ideology for letting possible investors look for business cases, that is, for promising places for capitalist exploitation. As an answer to such strong material processes cosmopolitanism is insufficient, both as a moral imperative and as a stipulated right. What we need is a more comprehensive political and legal perspective and the solutions they indicate. To get inspiration to this, however, we can turn to Kant again, since it turns out that he does not argue for cosmopolitanism at all, neither as a program nor as an ideology. For Kant the overall goal is perpetual peace, and the law of the world citizen only represents one subordinate element. As an answer to globalization we should thus drop the limited ideal of cosmopolitanism and follow Kant in his ambition of a threefold political constitution comprising state law, law of the people and law of the world citizen.
At Danish universities, the governance structure is regulated by law. This structure
was radically changed in 2003, abolishing the republican rule of the senate
consisting of academics, students, and staff in favour of an authoritarian system
assigning all executive power to the vice-chancellor, or as we say in Denmark, the
rector. To introduce the current situation at Danish universities, in the first two
sections of this article, I will compare them with more well-known counterparts in
other countries. This situation is reflected in exemplary cases, and in the third
section, I focus on the most dramatic controversy ever encountered at a Danish
university, the Koldau case, which reached national newspaper headlines and
broadcasting in two rounds in 2011 and 2012. In the fourth section, I will interpret
the case as an educational controversy in light of two conflicting ideas of the
modern university, which may be attributed to two leading Enlightenment figures,
Wilhelm von Humboldt and Denis Diderot. The conclusion is that to some extent,
the failure to resist the neo-liberal university reforms in Denmark and the UK, and
the drama of the Koldau case, may be explained with reference to the conflicting
ideologies of those involved in these controversies.
such a constitutional pluralism, Habermas has proposed a pluralist concept of sovereignty which includes the idea of democracy beyond the nation state. For Habermas this implies a multi-layer democracy, whereas David Held talks about “cosmopolitan democracy”. The viability of such humanist ideals has been contested by Carl Schmitt, and a recent article by William Scheuerman
argues in favour of a similar kind of realism. The basic objection raised is classical; namely that democracy requires a state, and this constitutes the point of depar-
ture for my reflections on these matters. The conclusion is not surprising. Yes, on the one side Scheuerman is right, but on the other, he is not: without unworldly ideals, there are no politics at all. It is thus worth continuing to develop the original Kantian approach.
Recently attempts have been made to revive Hegel’s social and political thinking, combining Bildung with freedom. Making Bildung the explicit point of departure reveals Phenomenology of Spirit to be the most relevant reference. Reading the famous dialectics of the master and the servant, it has been common to highlight how Hegel associates the working with an object conceptually with Bildung. However Hegel consistently fails to use the word ‘Bildung’ in this context. Instead, he uses ‘Bilden’. It might very well be that for Hegel the thing is formed according to the laborer’s idea, and that consciousness is formed through the work, but that does not mean that consciousness achieves Bildung.
The most comprehensive philosophical reflections on Bildung in the Phenomenology is found in chapter VI, “The Spirit”. Here Bildung is closely intertwined with alienation, and in such a perspective freedom might not reconcile itself that easily, neither with reason nor with the state nor even with society. Hegel thus thinks of Bildung as a phenomenon not solely linked to the individual human being. Spirit is first of all realized as a people and a family, and as such spirit has political importance. Bildung, however, presupposes not only the experience of alienation, but also the expression of it. Language is thus a necessary condition for Bildung. Bildung requires higher education. A close reading of the account of Bildung in Hegel’s Phenomenology thus negate many interpretations of dialectics and philosophy of history in the slipstream of 20th century Marxism.
Constitutional rule is a way to mediate between conflicting interests, and as generally recognized, power and knowledge may conflict. Hence, when the desire for power, or the fear of it, is allowed to dominate human relations, there is less chance for a controversial truth to surface. Reminding about historical facts and the valuable UNESCO recommendations concerning the Status of Higher-Education Teaching Personnel, my overall claim is that the rights and freedoms of republican rule are necessary for science, scholarship, and higher education. The horizon that makes this claim important is a sad case, namely present-day Danish university rule, to which the general claims will be related along the way. Denmark thus serves as an example of a country where the legal security of academic citizenship has become very weak, and it is therefore also worth considering how this situation may be changed.
Presentacion en español: https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=nGpVtJM1eOE
"El texto “La filosofía de la educación en América Latina, considerada
desde el exterior” fue escrito por Asger Sørensen, un filósofo
de la educación danés con gran interés en América Latina.
A partir de sus experiencias con las asociaciones, los congresos,
las publicaciones y demás actividades de filosofía de la educación en la región, logra realizar una reflexión interesante de cómo lo que
se efectúa en América Latina en torno a la filosofía de la educación
permitiría a los europeos u otros países “occidentales” comprender
de diferente manera, menos eurocéntrica, los problemas por los
cuales sus sociedades están transitando. Como mirada externa,
permite dar un valor específico a lo que se realiza en la región." (Renato Huarte Cuéllar, "Introducción", pp. 16-17)
Los intentos recientes de revivir el pensamiento social y político de Hegel combinan la idea alemana de Bildung con la de libertad, recurriendo, para muchos de los debates sobre Bildung en este contexto, a la Filosofía del derecho de Hegel como la principal referencia. Esto es más que comprensible, siendo el concepto de libertad el punto de partida, ya que es donde Hegel plantea sus famosas determinaciones de la libertad.
La situación cambia si tomamos la Bildung como el punto explícito de salida. Entonces la Fenomenología del Espíritu de Hegel aparece como la referencia más relevante. Un simple vistazo a la lista de contenidos indica que para Hegel la Bildung juega un papel importante como concepto filosófico general, independientemente de la libertad. Aquí la Bildung está estrechamente entrelazada con la alienación –es decir Entfremdung– y desde este perspectiva la libertad no podría reconciliarse con tanta facilidad, ni con la razón, ni con el Estado, ni siquiera con la sociedad.
Ha sido común destacar cómo Hegel asocia conceptualmente la Bildung y el trabajo con un objeto. Se asume que uno se forma y educa a sí mismo a través del trabajo, formando un objeto de acuerdo con la propia idea. En la formación de la cosa uno mismo se exterioriza –en alemán Entäuβert sich– pero después uno puede reconocerse en lo que se ha formado. Por tanto, se supone que cuando Hegel deja la verdad de la conciencia en el ser esclavo, y la conciencia se forma a través del trabajo en conciencia de sí, entonces Bildung debe también ser el resultado. Sin embargo Hegel deja de usar la palabra ‘Bildung’ en este contexto. En su lugar, utiliza ‘Bilden’, cuando escribe sobre la formación de las cosas, y ninguna de las dos palabras se aparecen en este pasaje en relación con su reconstrucción del desarrollo de la conciencia. Podría muy bien ser el caso de que para Hegel la cosa se forme de acuerdo con la idea del trabajador, y que la conciencia se forme a través de la obra, pero eso no quiere decir que la conciencia alcance Bildung.
Las reflexiones filosóficas más comprehensivas sobre la Bildung en la Fenomenología se encuentran en el capítulo VI, "El Espíritu". Lo que queda claro en este capítulo es que Hegel piensa la Bildung no como un fenómeno relacionado con el ser humano individual, sino como algo que es básicamente parte de un desarrollo colectivo. El Espíritu es ante todo realizado como un pueblo y una familia, y como tal espíritu tiene importancia política. Sin embargo, para Hegel la Bildung presupone no sólo la experiencia de la alienación, sino también la expresión de la alienación.
El lenguaje es por lo tanto una condición necesaria para la Bildung. Bildung requiere educación superior, no sólo trabajar con un material. En relación con la Bildung, el material de trabajo como máximo puede crear conocimiento tácito. Una lectura atenta del tratamiento de la Bildung en la Fenomenología de Hegel niega por lo tanto muchas de las interpretaciones de la dialéctica hegeliana y la filosofía de la historia en la estela del marxismo del siglo XX. El sujeto histórico no puede ser nunca la clase obrera. El sujeto histórico debe haber estudiado griego y latín en el instituto, pero eso no significa que la Bildung conducirá a la realización universal de la libertad en el estado.
Traduccíon de: "Bildung in Hegel’s Phenomenology. Acute alienation" in S. Ramaekers & P. Noens (eds.): Old and new generations [...], the Site Committee of [...] INPE, 2014, pp. 274-85.
Version final: "Not Work, but Alienation and Education. Bildung in Hegel’s Phenomenology", Hegel-Studien 49, 2015, p. 57-88. Accessible here at Academia.
El argumento es que la cuestión de Bildung ha ocupado a Habermas desde los primeros escritos. En estos escritos, critica la idea de “ser educado” como una expresión de las habilidades innatas y subraya en cambio la importancia de las condiciones sociales de la educación. Este es el tema de la primera sección (1ª). La segunda sección ofrece una presentación de Bildung que se encuentra en la tesis doctoral sobre La transformación estructural de la esfera pública. La crítica fundamental de esta obra es que el ideal de Bildung individual está demasiado estrechamente conectada a la dominación económica y política, pero aún así el ideal contiene algo de verdad (2ª). La tercera sección ofrece una guía de sus comentarios relativamente escasos en relación a Bildung en las décadas posteriores. Significativo aquí es Conocimiento e interés, donde él mismo hace esfuerzos para salir del marco de la filosofía de la conciencia hacia la Teoría de la acción comunicativa. Este se convierte en el enfoque comunicativo, que se convierte en el marco de la discusión de Habermas sobre Bildung, tanto en relación con la ética filosófica - la ética del discurso - como en los debates más específicos sobre el papel de la universidad en la sociedad moderna (3ª). Finalmente dedicaré unas pocas palabras a la filosofía política y la filosofía del derecho, que Habermas presenta en Facticidad y validez, donde una vez más permite a Bildung tener un significado normativo positivo, pero ahora desde una perspectiva comunicativa colectiva (4ª).
Asger Sørensen går på universitetet er en "skrapbog" fra ti års voldsomme omvæltninger i den danske forskningsverden efter den ny universitetslov fra 2003. I fire kapitler fortælles der om den første organiserede mod-stand mod loven og den store underskriftindsamling i 2006-08 om den dramatiske historie omkring de tre fyringsvarslede pædagogiske filosoffer i 2010, om den pinagtige sag om musikprofessorens konflikt med sine kollegaer i 2010-12 og endelig om de store uddannelsesreformer 2014-16 og det liv præget af stress og utryghed, som blev normen på universitetet efter de store omvæltninger.
Den overordnede påstand er, at 2003-loven var en fejltagelse. Universitetet er rammen om forskning, videnskab og videregående uddannelse. Det skal derfor ikke ledes som en privat erhvervsvirksomhed, men som en lærd republik. Sådan var det i århundreder i Danmark, og det er stadig tilfældet i andre civiliserede lande. Bogen er således i sin helhed et argument for akademisk frihed, der uddybes med henvisning til bl.a. idealet om forskningsfrihed, universitetets ide og den republikanske styreform. Afgørende for argumentet er forfatterens personlige erfaringer og erindringer fra fire årtiers gang på universitetet.
Bogens kerne er tekster om disse emner skrevet i det nævnte tiår, der er ordnet i kapitler, hvor hvert er forsynet med en nyskreven indledning. I bogens samlede indledning præsenteres det overordnede argument, mens de afsluttende bemærkninger diskuterer forskellige aspekter af videnskabelig anerkendelse og videnskabelighed. Tilsammen udgør de udvalgte tekster et dokumentarium, hvor meget forskelligartede vidnesbyrd giver bogen karakter af en dekorativ collage, der belyser mange af universitetslivets aspekter. Og dekorativt skal det være: Går på universitetet er nemlig også et festskrift i anledning af forfatterens tres års fødselsdag og hans fyrre års gang på universitetet. Til slut i bogen bringes der derfor en komplet fortegnelse over Asger Sørensens publikationer gennem disse fire årtier.
Bogen er redigeret af redigeret af Mogens Chrom Jacobsen og udgives af Filosofisk Rådgivning. Går på universitetet er andet bind af Asger Sørensen bøgerne (ASB 2). Hvor første bind, I lyset af Bataille (Politisk Revy, 2012) greb tilbage til studietiden i 1980'erne og bragte historien op til lektoransættelsen i 2008, så sætter andet bind fokus på de første stormfulde år på universitetet. Det tredje bind, I filosofiens tjeneste planlægges udgivet i 2021.
Den moralske virkelighed er en filosofisk undersøgelse af moral og etik i videst mulige forstand, der bunder i en frustration over oplevelser med den filosofiske etik. Den filosofiske etik skal vejlede os moralsk i vore handlinger, men det synes som om den hverken kan hjælpe os med det eller redegøre for moralen. Moral er et samfundsmæssigt fænomen, men det gør den filosofiske etik typisk ikke meget ud af. I en situation, hvor etikken er i krise, er det derfor værd at se på, hvad moralsociologien kan berige etikken med. Pointen er ikke, at sociologien skal afløse eller begrunde etikken. Idéen er, at udvikle en filosfisk etik, der er sociologisk informeret. I det perspektiv analyseres Émile Durkheim, Niklas Luhmann og Zygmundt Bauman, ligesom det afslutningsvist skitseres, hvordan en sociologisk informeret etisk refleksion kunne se ud.
Uden uddannelse ingen frigørelse. Velkommen til Paedagogisk filosofi Talen nedenfor blev holdt på engelsk torsdag den 2. marts 2023 på vegne af Forskningsenhed for Paedagogisk Filosofi og Dansk Filosofisk Selskab for at byde de mere end 150 forsamlede filosoffer velkommen til selskabets årsmøde på DPU (Danmark institut for Paedagogik og Uddannelse, Aarhus Universitet (AU)), Campus Emdrup. Mindre end to måneder efter årsmødet meddelte lederen af DPU, Claus Holm imidlertid, at undervisningen til den toårige kandidatuddannelse i Paedagogisk Filosofi, som for naervaerende er den største filosofiske kandidatuddannelse i Danmark med mere end 100 kandidatstuderende, skal stilles i bero i Aarhus. Tilbage bliver udbuddet af undervisning til uddannelsen i Emdrup, og på sigt vil det uden tvivl medføre en halvering af uddannelsen. Pausen er annonceret til at traede i kraft fra og med efteråret 2024.
Først vil jeg beskrive aspekter af den politiske og idemæssige virkelighed, man kunne opleve som ung i 80’ernes København (I.). Det var en oplevelse, som hang sammen med en tryghed og tillidsfuldhed, som var veludviklet i min generation (II.). Det er dog ikke den oplevelse, som min næsten jævnaldrende Peter Øvig Knudsen har beskrevet fra sit århusianske perspektiv. Fælles er, at vi var en generation, der i al
fredsommelighed blev voksne efter de store år i 1960’erne og 70’erne, og derfor blev vi lidt foragteligt af de ældre aktivister kaldt ’nå-generationen’. For Øvig blev den tids oplevelser med venstrefløjen tydeligvis traumatiske (III.); som ung i 80’ernes København kunne man dog sagtens gøre sig positive og livsbekræftende erfaringer med politik i en forstand, som Øvig slet ikke har sans for (IV.).
Kapitlet er delt i to afsnit. I det første vil jeg kort præsentere nogle aspekter ved den danske ide om dannelse, der gør den særegen i forhold til den nordiske og nordeuropæiske dannelsestradition. På den baggrund vil jeg diskutere det beundringsværdige forsøg på at rehabilitere dannelse, der fandt sted i dansk pædagogik og didaktik i sidste del af det 20. århundrede ansporet af bl.a. professor i didaktik ved Danmarks lærerhøjskole, Karsten Schnack og hans ide om demokratisk dannelse som udvikling af handlekompetence (1.). I det andet afsnit vil jeg i forlængelse deraf diskutere dansk dannelsesreduktion som et problem, og hvor selv den nævnte rehabilitering og ikke mindst ideen om demokratiske dannelse kan kritiseres for sin beskedenhed og utilstrækkelighed, og for måske endda at medføre et ideologisk problematisk begreb om dannelse (2.).
Vi tager demokratiet for givet. Ja, så simpelt kan det siges. Men ikke længere for nu lægger 50-årsplanen en plan, der skal sikre, at vores alle sammens demokrati står stærkt om 50 år. Til at hjælpe mig med det, har jeg:
René Karpantschof - historiker, foredragsholder, Lisbeth Pilegaard, bestyrelsesmedlem i den europæiske Demokratifond og Asger Sørensen, lektor i pædagogisk filosofi.
https://radio4.dk/podcasts/fremtid/borgerr-d-algokrati-og-spark-i-numsen
Hvad nytter universitetsledelse? Er det et nødvendigt onde - eller bare et onde - eller er det universitets redning? Bør forskere have selvstyre, eller er det i naturen for indspist? Og er det overhovedet fair, at forskere har den frihed de har? Afdelingsleder for uddannelsesvidenskab Pia Bramming (00:51), lektor for pædagogisk filosofi, Asger Sørensen (17:58) og lektor i pædagogik og uddannelsesforskning Dion Rüsselbeck Hansen (38:50) giver deres indspark i en vigtig diskussion om frihed og sandhed. Vært: Steen Nepper Larsen.
Carsten Fogh Nielsen (Ph.D., Adjunkt) og Asger Sørensen (Mag.art., Ph.D., Lektor) belyser eftermiddagens tema.
Fogh Nielsen (01:50) tager sit udgangspunkt i begrebet 'kritik’ og kommer bl.a. med en nøje gennemgang af begrebets betydning og pointerer, at der er forskellige opfattelser af pædagogisk videnskab i omløb. Sørensen (18:33) taler bl.a. om kritik som en nødvendighed for udvikling, men berører også fænomenet ´når kritik tolkes som mobning el. nedsættende tale´. Tvisten refererer både implicit og eksplicit til Thomas Aastrup Rømers klagesag ved DPU. Vært: Steen Nepper Larsen.
Første del af sagen, altså sagens udvikling internt på AU til og med den offentlige debat om niveauet på musik og humaniora fylder de første to bind. Tredje bind beretter om anden del og slutspillet, altså det interne forløb efter debatten om det faglige niveau op til debatten om ytringsfrihed og samarbejdsproblemer, som endte med at Koldau sagde sit professorat op.
I det følgende vil jeg først argumentere for, at Koldau-sagen overhovedet er værd at se nærmere på. Mange mener således, at det blot er en konkret personalesag om samarbejdsproblemer, og at den derfor bør gå i glemmebogen hurtigst muligt. Min påstand er, at det er forkert, således om jeg har argumenteret for det andetsteds.[i] I nærværende anmeldelse vil jeg imidlertid argumentere for, at selv som en sag om konkrete samarbejdsproblemer er Koldau-sagen alligevel er værd at se nærmere på (I). Jeg vil derfor lade Koldau berette om nogle af sine oplevelser med samarbejde og ledelse på AU, og her tager jeg næsten udelukkende afsæt i Jante universitet. Hun oplever her en stadig mere direkte og materiel brug af de formelle magtbeføjelser, som universitetsledelser har i dagens Danmark, og sådanne oplevelser burde give anledning til alvorlige bekymringer i hele det videnskabelige samfund (II.). Problemet er imidlertid, at mange har haft svært ved at tro på det mere og mere pinagtige forløb, som Koldau involveres i, ikke mindst pga. af Koldaus mange overdrivelser og stadig mere skingre tonefald. Min påstand er, at Koldaus beretning dette til trods får troværdighed i lyset af de senere års oplevelser med AUs ledelse, hvor der er flere eksempler på både manglende dømmekraft og hensynsløs magtfuldkommenhed (III.).
This is the postscript to my forthcoming book, analyzing contemporary capitalism and political economy.
This is the version sent to peer review; comments, critique and corrections welcome.
List of content at the end of the document.
A chapter in my forthcoming book, arguing for the continued relevance of classical critical theory.
This is the version sent to peer review; comments, critique and corrections welcome.
List of content at the end of the document.
This is a presentation of the comprehensive project, of which my forthcoming book is volume one.
This is the version sent to peer review; comments, critique and corrections welcome.
Introduction to my forthcoming book, presenting the background and summerizing the content.
This is the version sent to peer review; comments, critique and corrections welcome.
https://www.academia.edu/122869096/Discourse_Value_and_Practice_Studies_in_Ethics_and_Morality
https://www.academia.edu/122869096/Discourse_Value_and_Practice_Studies_in_Ethics_and_Morality
https://www.academia.edu/43357718/Asger_S%C3%B8rensen_Ali%C3%A9nation_Entfremdung_and_Alienation._Hegel_s_Solidary_Displacement_of_Diderot
---- The abstract below pertains to the first draft of the argument, which has now been removed. Thanks for all the comments received. ----
It was Hegel's Phenomenology of Spirit that put alienation of the philosophical agenda, as it was readily recognized by Marx. Relatively well-known is also that Hegel was inspired to this by Goethe's translation of Diderot's dialogue Rameau's Nephew, but the details and the conceptual implications of these details typically escape attention. Recognizing the basic idea of alienation as not-belonging or being deprived of something, I emphasize how alienation implies a movement towards the limits of human being, how the potential mental sufferings are conditioned by social pathologies and that this merits social criticism. To substantiate this, I show how Diderot's satire implies uncompromising materialist social criticism, but that this criticism does not employ the term 'aliénation', reserving it instead for a kind of frenzy at the limit of insanity. The claim is then that in Goethe's translation of Diderot's dialogue, and in his translation of 'aliénation' to 'Entfremdung', Hegel found a general key for the conceptual critique of the spirit of modernity. I therefore argue that in the Phenomenology, Hegel employed alienation in a double sense, raising the madness to the level of modernity, but also stressing the implication for consciousness under such living conditions. The conclusion is that given the argument just made, we would do well in being more attentive to the particular origin of the term alienation.