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HARVARD LP
HARVARD LAW LIBRARY
Received ^^.^^, \ \, . \ q, i \^ .
SAMUEL CHISHOLM, ESQ., LL.D.,
Lord ProvoH nj GUiigov:, Pretidejit of Ct/itgre:
«l.
C7
PR'OCEEDINGS (/
OF THE
TENTH UNIVERSAL PEACE
CONGRESS,
HELD IN THE
ST. ANDREW'S HALL, GLASGOW,
FBOM 10th to 13th SEFT£MBEB, 1901.
Published at the Offioe of the Gongbess,
47, New Broad Street, London, E. C. ;
AND AT the
Office of the Intebnational Peace Bubeau,
12, Kanonen\veg, Berne.
1902.
liONDOK :
WEST, NEWMAN AND CO., PKINTEB8,
HATTON OARDEN, E.G.
DEC 1 6 1914
CIRCULARS OF INVITATION.
Aux sooi6t6s de la paix.
Berne, le !«'' t/wtw, 1901.
Chers CoUegues^
Le IX® Congres a decide que le X® aura lieu a Glasgow, en
suite de rinvitation qui lui a ete faite par TAssociation inter-
nationale pour le developpement des sciences, de Tart et de
Teducation.
Le Bureau ayant ete charge d'en fixer la date, la Com-
mission, apres discussion, a decide que le X® Congres universel
de la Paix s'ouvrira a Glasgow (et non a La Haye comme
nous Tavons annonce par erreur), le mardi 10 septembre 1901.
L*apres-midi de ce jour d'ouverture sera reserve aux travaux
des Commissions, et, Sventuellement, a TAssemblee gen^rale
du Bureau.
Nous vous proposons de porter les questions suivantes k
Vordre dujour de ce Congres :
1^ Bapport sur les evenements de Tannee.
2^ Bapport de la sous- commission juridique sur ses tra-
vaux. (Code international, traites d'arbitrage permanent,
voies d'ex^cution des sentences arbitrales, etc.)
8^ Expose des travaux du Comite d'etude sur la motion
de M. Frederic Bajer relative a une alliance des neutres pour
la pacig^rance.
4^ Initiatives a prendre en vue de la conclusion de traites
d'arbitrage obligatoire entre Etats.
6^ Projet de M. Kemeny relatif a une organisation scienti-
fique Internationale.
6^ Propositions de M. Hodgson Pratt pour modifier le
Beglement des Congres en ce qui concerne le mode de
( 4 )
nomination des delegues et la representation des Societes,
proportionnelle au nombre de leurs membres.
7^ Appel aux nations.
8^ Siege et date du XP Congres.
Get ordre du jour est destine a etre modifie et complete
par les Societes de la Paix avant d'etre arrete definitivement.
Nous vous prions done, chers collegues, de nous indiquer,
d'ici au !•' juillet prochain, les questions que vous desireriez,
cas echeant, voir introduire dans ce projet et qui n'auraient
pas fait deja Tobjet des deliberations d'un Congres de la Paix.
Les propositions emanant d'une Societe de la Paix seront
coordonnees et un nouveau projet de programme sera soumis
a la Commission du Bureau assez tot pour que les Societes
et les amis de la Paix soient en possession de Fordre da
jour definitif au moins quatre semaines avant Touverture da
Congres.
Yeuillez agreer, chers collegues, nos cordiales salutations.
Pour le Bureau international de la Paix:
Elib Ducommun,
Secretaire honoraire.
( 5 )
TO SOCIETIES.
47, New Broad Street,
London, E.G.,
August 2nd J 1901.
Dear Sir or Madam,
We have pleasure in sending herewith the Pro-
gramme and Particulars of the Tenth Universal Peace
Congress, which will be held in Glasgow, from the 10th to
the 18th September next, and cordially invite your Associa-
tion to take part in its proceedings. Will you kindly forward
to us the names and addresses of your Delegates with as little
delay as possible ? The Bules of the Congresses sent here-
with will give you all the information necessary for this
purpose.
We have endeavoured to obtain special fares from the
Bailway Companies, but, seeing that they have already
announced the issue of tourist tickets at reduced rates in
connection with the Exhibition, we have been unable to
obtain further concessions.
We have also made enquiries in regard to hotels and
lodgings, which we will do our best to procure for those who
may desire us to do so, and will instruct us as to their
requirements.
The Local Offices of the Congress Committee will be at
150, Hope Street, Glasgow, and also, from the morning of
the 9th September, at the Berkeley Hall entrance, St Andrew's
Hall, Glasgow, where Delegates are requested kindly to report
themselves on their arrival.
We are,
Yours sincerely.
W. Evans Dabby,
J. Fbedk. Gbeen,
Hon.
Secretaries.
COMMITTEE OF ORGANIZATION.
At the instance of the Executives of the Peace Society
and the International Arbitration and Peace Association,
whose Secretaries were appointed by them to organize the
Tenth Universal Peace Congress, the following circular was
issued : —
47, New Broad Street,
London, E.G.,
May Gth, 1901.
Dear Sii' or Madarriy
A meeting of the Peace Societies, and others
interested in the Tenth Universal Peace Congress, will be
held at the Peace Society's OflBces, 47, New Broad St., E.G.,
on Tuesday, the 14th of May, at 4 p.m., with a view of
forming a Committee to superintend the arrangements of
the Universal Peace Congress at Glasgow, to be held in
September next (7th-13th).
We cordially invite you to be present.
We are.
Yours sincerely,
W. Evans Darby.
J. Frbdk. Green.
The Committee formed at this meeting consisted of the
following, viz. : —
Chairman : Felix Moscheles.
Treasurer : C. C. Morland, J.P.
Secretaries : W. Evans Darby, LL.D. ; J. Fredk. Green.
Members : Mrs. C. A. Bracey-Wight ; Miss M. L. Cooke ;
Miss M. A. Mills ; and Miss Phipson ; the Eev. H. W.
Perris ; Messrs. A. Bonner, Herbert Burrows, Henry W.
Crow, J. Anson Farrer, Francis W. Fox, Maurice Gregory,
John Hay ward, J. Foster Howe, H. Sefton Jones, C. E.
Maurice, T. P. Newman, Eobert Scott, George Singer,
and W. Martin Wood.
WtvAh Ettiii^rsal ^tatt €(m^t&&.
GLASGOW, 1901.
Thb Hon. S. CHISHOLM, LL.D., Lobd Pbovost of Glasgow.
0. 0. MOELAND, Esq., J.P.
(tl^airman of ftommttUe.
FELIX MOSCHELES, Esq.
Sttxttmt$.
W. EVANS DAEBY, LL.D. | J. F. GREEN, Esq.
Bight Hon. the Earl of Aber-
deen, G.O.M.G.
Eight Hon. the Countess of
Aberdeen.
Eight Hon. Lobd Alvebstone,
G.C.M.G., Lord Chief Justice
of England,
William Abbaham, Esq., M.P.
(Mabon).
J. T. Agg-Gabdneb, Esq., M.P.
M. Emile Abnaud, Luzarche8y
Fra/nce,
Mb. E. p. Abnoldson, Stockholm,
Sweden.
M. Le Dogteub S. Baabt de la
Faille, The Hague, Holland.
Madame M. C. F. Baabt de la
Faille, The Hague, Holland,
T. W. Backhouse, Esq.
M. Fbedbik Bajeb, Copenhagen,
Madame Matilde Bajeb, Copen-
hagen,
Thos. Babclay, Esq., Ph.D.
Eev. Canon Babker, MA.
J. E. Bablow, Esq., M.P.
Rev. Canon Babnett, M.A.
Right Rev. Bishop Babby, D.D.,
D.C.L.
M. A. Beebnaebt, Minutre d'Etat,
Belgium,
Rev. Canon Benham, D.D.
Rev. Geobge D. Boabdman, D.D.,
Philadelphia, U,S,A,
Count A. Bothmeb, Wiealtaden,
Germany,
J. B. Bbaithwaitb, Esq.
Mbs. Jacob Bbight.
Most Hon. the Mabquis of
BRISTOL.
Henby Bboadhubst, Esq., M.P.
Rev. Stopfobd Bbooke, M.A.,
LL.D.
J. Abmoub Bbown, Esq., Paisley,
A. M. Bbown, Esq., J. P., Bridge
of Weir,
Sib J. T. Bbunneb, M.P.
John Bubns, Esq., M.P.
Thos. Bubt, Esq., M.P.
W. P. Byles, Esq.
Mbs. Byles.
W. A. Cadbuby, Esq.
W. S. Caine, Esq., M.P.
William Caibnky, Esq., Glasgow,
Sib Chables Camebon, Babt.,
Greenock,
Robert Camebon, Esq., M.P.
W. A. Campbell, Esq., J. P., Glas-
gow,
James Campbell, Esq., J.P., Tulli-
chewan, Dumbartonshire,
F. A. Channing, Esq., M.P.
Mbs. Obmiston Chant.
1
( 8 )
W. S. Clark, Esq., J.P.
Ex-Provost James Clark, J.P.
Kev. J. Clifford, D.D.
John Cory, Esq., J.P.
BiGHARD Cory, Esq., J.P.
Bight Hon. Leonard Courtney.
B. Hunter Craig, Esq., M.P.
Ex-Bailie James Dick, Glasgow.
Very Bev. Principal Douglas,
D.D., LL.D., Glasgow,
M. Elib Ducommun, Berne^ Swit-
zerland,
Bight Bev. B. F. Westcott, D.D.,
D.C.L., Lord Bishop of Dur-
ha/m,
Henry Dyer, Esq., M.A., D.Sc,
Glasgow,
Bev. J. Oswald Dykes, D.D.
J. Passmore Edwards, Esq.
J. Anson Farrer, Esq.
Bev. Fergus Ferguson, D.D.,
Glasgow,
His Excellency M. Nicolas
Fleva, Boumania,
Sir Walter Foster, M.P.
Hon. and Very Bev. W. H.
Frbmantle, D.D., Dean of
Bipon,
Joseph Storrs Fry, Esq.
Professor Patrick Qeddes, Glas-
gow,
BoBERT GiBB, Esq., Edinburgh,
M. Edoardo Giretti, Docteur en
droit et industriel, Briche-
rasiot Italy,
Dr. J. H. Gladstone, F.B.S.
Bev. Gegrge Gladstone, Glasgow,
Bight Bev. the Lord Bishop of
Glasgow and Galloway.
Most Bev. the Archbishop of
Glasgow.
Leonard Gow,Esq., J.P., Glasgow,
Ex-Bailie Councillor John Gul-
LAND, Edinburgh,
CoRRiE Grant, Esq., M.P.
Sir W. Brampton Gurdon,
K.C.M.G., C.B., M.P.
Bev. Newman Hall, D.D.
William Harvey, Esq.
William Hamilton, Esq., J.P.,
Pollokshields,
Bev. Professor Hastie, D.D.,
Glasgow,
Bev. J. B. Hastings, D.D., Edin-
burgh,
Walter Hazell, Esq.
Bight Bev. the Lord Bishop of
Hereford.
Bev. Canon Hicks, M.A.
Bight Hon. Lord Hobhouse,
IL.C.S.l., CLE.
C. J. Holdsworth, Esq., J.P.
John Holdsworth, Esq.
Bev. Canon Scot i Holland, M.A.
G. J. HoLYOAKE, Esq.
M. A. HouzEAU DE Lahaie, Sena-
teuTf Belgium,
Bev. John Huntrr, D.D.
Very Bev. G. W. Kitchin, D.D.,
Dean of Durham,
M. Henri La Fontaine, Senateur,
Belgium,
Sir Wilfrid Lawson, Bart.
B. C. Lehmann, Esq., " Daily
News,^*
Bight Hon. Lord Leigh.
Hon. and Very Bev. J. W. Leigh,
D.D., Dean of Hereford,
G. Leveson-Qower, Esq.
J. Herbert Lewis, Esq., M.P.
M. Magalhaes Lima, Lisbon,
Bight Bev. the Lord Bishop of
London.
Mr. John Lund, Ex-President of
the Lagting and Member of
the Nobel Committee, Norway,
John M. McCallum, Esq., J.P.,
Paisley,
Professor J. G. McEendrige,
M.D., F.B.S., Glasgow.
Walter S. B. Maclaren, Esq.
Mrs. Eva Maclaren.
His Excellency Don Arturo de
Marcoartu, Spain,
J. H. Midgley, Esq., B.Sc, J.P.
F. D. MocATTA, Esq.
M. Gaston Mogh, Paris,
SiGNOR E. T. MoNETA (Uniofic
Lombarda), Milan, Italy,
Bight Hon. Lord Monkswell,D.L.
M. Le Conseiller de Montluc,
Douai, France,
Bev. W. Morison, M.A., Edin-
burgh,
M. H. Morel, Berne, Switzerland,
E. B. Mounsey, Esq.
David Murray, Esq., LL.D., Glas-
gow,
Professor Gilbert Murray,
FamhaTn,
M. J. Novicow, Odessa, Bussia,
Thos. W. Nussey, Esq., M.P.
Bev. Professor James Orr, D.D.,.
Glasgow.
Hon. Bobert Treat Paine, Bos-
ton, U,S»A.
( 9 )
M. Fr^debio Passy, Paris. (Mem-
hre de VInstitut de France,)
Rev. Professor J. A. Patbrson,
M.A., Edinburgh.
BioHT Hon. Lord Paunoefote,
G.C.B., G.C.M.G., K.B., &o.
Sir Joseph W. Pease, Babt., M.P.
J. A. Pease, Esq., MP.
Alexander Peckoyer, Esq., J. P.,
Lord Lieutenant of Cam-
bridgeshire,
Miss P. H. Peokover.
F. Pennington, Esq., J.P;
The Hon. Mr. Justice Philli-
more, D.C.L., LL.D., &c.
J. Allanson Picton, M.A.
D. V. PiRiE, Esq., M.P.
Right Hon. the Earl of Ports-
mouth, D.L., F.S A., &c.
Hodgson Pratt, Esq.
Sir Robert Pullar, J.P., Perth,
Wm. Ransom, Esq., J.P., F.S.A., &c.
Sir James Reckitt, Bart.
Mrs. Henry Richard.
Professor Dr. Richet, Paris.
Dr. Adolf Richter, Pforzheim,
Germany.
Most Hon. the Marquis of Ripon,
E.G., &c.
Right Rev. the Lord Bishop of
Ripon, D.D., D.C.L.
J. Bryn Roberts, Esq., M.P.
J. Herbert Roberts, Esq., M.P.
Edmund Robertson, Esq., M.P.
Miss Ellen Robinsov.
Right Rkv. the Lord Bishop of
Rochester.
Rev. James Ross, Glasgow,
Joseph Rowntree, Esq., J.P.
C. P. Scott, Esq., M.P.
Thomas Shaw, Esq., M.P.
Right Hon. G. Shaw-Lefevre.
Rev. Ambrose Shepherd, Glasgow,
Samuel Smith, Esq., M.P.
Alderman Thomas Snape, J.P.
Robinson Souttar, Esq.
Herbert Spenoer, Esq.
The Honourable Philip Stan-
hope.
Prof. Dr. Ludwig Stein, Berne ,
Switzerland,
Very Rev. W. R- W. Stephens,
B.D., F.S.A., Dean of Win-
chester.
Bailie D. M. Stevenson, Glasgow.
Halley Stewart, Esq., J.P.
The Baroness Bertha v. Suttneb,
Austria,
Baron A. Gundaker v. Suttner,
Austria.
J. M. Taylor, Esq., Glasgow.
Henry Tennant, Esq., J.P.
Richard Henry Thomas, M.D.,
Baltimore, U,8,A,
Mrs. Anna B. Thomas, Baltimore,
U,S,A,
J. P. Thomasson, Esq.
James Tomkinson, Esq., M.P.
Dr. B. F. Trueblood, Boston,
U.8,A.
General Etienne Turr, Buda
Pesth,
Mr. V. Ullmann, Norway.
Mrs. Cobdbn Unwin.
Madame B. de Waszklewicz van
Schilfgaarde, The Hague,
Holland,
Dr. R. Spence Watson.
Mr. Edward Wavrinsky, StocJc-
holm.
Rev. Prebendary Webb-Peplob,
M.A.
Geo. White, Esq., M.P.
Rev. Alexander Whyte, D.D.,
Edinburgh.
Very Rev. E. C. Wickham, D.D.,
Dean of Lincoln.
Henry J. Wilson, Esq., M.P.
John Wilson, Esq., Glasgow.
Rev. p. Wilson, M.A., Leith.
David Wilson, Esq., Provost of
Paisley.
Office— No. 47, NEW BROAD STREET, LONDON, E.G.
PROGRAMME OF THE CONGRESS.
A.— CUBEENT EVENTS.
1. Eeport of the International Bureau on the events of the
year relating to the Peace Movement. (This Report
will be read at the Opening Sitting of the Congress,
and remitted to Commission A for examination.)
2. The action of Missionaries and its dangers.
Proposition brought before the Congress of 1900 by
Commission A, not discussed for want of time, and
adopted by M. Gaston Moch for submission to the
Tenth Congress :
Considering that even if every man has the right to endeavour
to induce his fellowmen to share his convictions, he who under-
takes such a task must expect opposition arising from the force
of preconceived ideas, and sometimes from men's ignorance, and
that he must expect this resistance to be particularly active when,
as in the case of the missionaries, he undertakes to inculcate in
races belonging to civilisations very different from his own, ideas
and convictions in absolute opposition to theirs ;
Considering that the missionaries face these dangers with a
perfect knowledge of all that is involved, and that they ought to
consider the opportunity of suffering for their faith as among the
most glorious of their rewards ;
Considering that even though homage may be rendered to the
courage and sincerity of these men, who sacrifice their comfort
and sometimes their life for the triumph of their faith, it can
nevertheless not be admitted that the propaganda of their religious
ideas should have even as its indirect consequence the exposure
of their country to the evils of war, and the endangering of the
tranquillity, and the life of thousands of their compatriots who do
not perhaps share their coavictions, and who, in any case, are not
disposed to make the same sacrifices ;
( n )
Considering that even if the civilised nations are under obliga-
tion to protect such of their subjects as may reside in a foreign
land, it is only that they themselves abstain from offending the
prejudices, or attacking the convictions of the peoples whose
hospitality they receive ;
Considering that it is the duty of missionaries to abstain in
the exercise of tfheir ministry from all intemperate zeal, and on
the contrary to exercise the tact, prudence, and moderation which
would be suggested to them both by the precepts of their religion
and the care for their personal interest, the Congress is of opinion
That the Powers shall rigorously abstain from all armed
intervention intended to protect, succour or avenge the mission-
aries of their nationality who have voluntarily exposed themselves
to the hostility or the resentment of peoples of an absolutely
different civilisation.
3. Diplomatic protection accorded, in non-Christian countries,
to the Christian subjects of those countries.
Proposition presented to the Congress of 1900 by
the Commission on Actualities, not discussed for want
of time, and adopted by M. Gaston Moch for sub-
mission to the Tenth Congress : —
Considering that in certain countries, and notably in the Far
East, the subjects of the non-Christian Powers who join one of
the Christian Churches take advantage thereof to claim the
position of diplomatic protection from one of the nations holding
the Christian Faith, and thus to escape the authority of their own
Government ;
Considering that the Christian nations cannot admit these
claims without injuring the sovereign rights which even non-
Christian Powers have incontestably over their own subjects, of
whatever religion they may be, and without, as a consequence,
exposing themseves to the danger of exciting the legitimate
susceptibilities of these Powers ;
Considering, moreover, that the protection of these converts
is a source of innumerable embarrassments for the Christian
nations, that it is one of the most frequent causes of conflicts
between these nations and the non-Christian Powers, and that it
constitutes a permanent danger for peace ;
The Congress is of opinion that the Christian nations should
strictly abstain from claiming, or even admitting, their diplomatic
protection of the subjects of the non- Christian Powers who may
have joined either of the Christian Churches,
( 12 )
B.— INTEBNATIONAL LAW.
4. Eeport of the Juridical Sub-Committee on its labours
(International Code, Permanent Arbitration Treaties,
Means of executing Arbitral Awards, etc.)
5. Initiatives to be taken in view of the conclusion of the
Obligatory Arbitration Treaties between States.
Here will come in the question of a Permanent
Arbitration Treaty to be concluded between France
and Great Britain, raised by Mr. Thomas Barclay,
ex-President of the British Chamber of Commerce in
Paris.
The Committee of the International Bureau, which
met at Berne on the 18th May, 1901, adopted, on
the question of Arbitration Treaties, the following
Eesolutions : —
I. The International Peace Bureau expresses its best wishes
for the success of the steps decided on hy various English and
French Peace Societies in view of realising the idea, brought
forward by Mr. Barclay in a recent speech, of urging the
conclusion of a permanent arbitration treaty between France
and Great Britain,
II. The Internatioual Peace Bureau, associating itself with
lively satisfaction with the thought which has inspired the
decisions of the International Congress of Commerce and
Industry which met in Paris in 1900, requests the Chambers
of Commerce of all countries to vote resolutions energetically
demanding the conclusion of Permanent Arbitration Treaties
between Peoples.
III. Considering that Article 19 of the Hague Convention for
the Peaceful Regulation of International Conflicts provides for the
conclusion '* either before the ratification of this Convention, or
afterwards, of new Agreements, general or particular, with the
object of extending obligatory Arbitration to all cases which they
judge capable of being submitted to it " ;
Considering the resolution of the International Peace Con-
gress, which met at Paris in 1900, which was thus expressed :
** The Congress hopes that in the near future when the
Permanent Court of Arbitration at the Hague is constituted,
the Powers will have concluded among themselves the greatest
possible number of Permanent Arbitration Treaties, and that by
e multiplication of such Treaties, Arbitration will become the
( 18 )
normal and obligatory jundical method of seltliDg international
disputes " ;
The Committee of the International Peace Bureau (in which
sixteen nations are represented), meeting at Berne, 18th May, 1901,
the anniversary of the Inauguration of the Hague Conference,
Learns with satisfaction of the definitive constitution of the
Permanent Arbitration Court ; Expresses regret that, in spite of
the provisions of the Hague Convention, no permanent arbitra-
tion treaty has been concluded before the ratification of this
Convention ;
And, considering as very urgent the conclusion of permanent
arbitration treaties, addresses a pressing appeal to all the friends
of Peace that, in each nation, they should exercise such individual
or collective action as would be most efficacious in promoting
the conclusion of such treaties, viz. : — As regards their respective
Governments ; — as regards Members of Parliaments, and also all
candidates for elective offices, so as to obtain their actual or
eventual help ; as regards all political bodies or committees, so as
to induce them to make the negotiation of permanent arbitration
treaties a definite article in their programme.
6. Study, by the Congress, of the most suitable method of
organising a simultaneous and convergent action of the
Interparliamentary Council and Peace Societies, with
the object of causing States to conclude with one
another Permanent Arbitration Treaties.
(Proposal of Mr. A. Jounet, in the name of the
Universal Alliance.)
7. Insertion of an Arbitration Clause in all Treaties of
Commerce.
(Proposal of the Geneva Section of the Swiss Peace
Society.)
8. Report of the labours of the Committee of Study on the
motion of Mr. Fredrik Bajer relative to an alliance
of the Neutral States for the preservation of Peace.
9. Proposal remitted to the Tenth Congress by the Ninth : —
" 1. The Congress reaffirms its sympathy with all efforts Uiat
may be made in favour of Free Trade.
** 2. The Congress expresses the hope that the regime of Free
Trade may also be adopted with regard to the Oolonies, conBider-
ing that Protection is one of the principal causes of disputes and
even of wars among nations."
( 14 )
C— PEOPAGANDA.
10. Union of all the Societies, either by the intermediary
of the Berne Bureau, or by various methods of direct
communication.
(Proposal of Mr. Felix Moscheles, Chairman of the
International Arbitration and Peace Association.)
11. Means of rendering the peace propaganda more efficacious.
(Proposal of Mr. Jacques Novicow.)
12. Necessity for the Peace Societies of each country to com-
bine themselves into one Society, of which they would
become the provincial sections, in such a way as to
facilitate Propaganda, to make their efforts more
efficacious by localising them, and to facilitate the
common action of all the friends of Peace in each
country.
(Proposal of the Section Senonaise of the French
Peace Society.)
13. Necessity for an enquiry into the economic causes of
wars. Co-operation considered as a factor in Inter-
national Peace.
The Society **La Paix par le Droit," of Nimes
(France), proposes :
" {a) The appointment of a standing Committee of Enquiry,
like that on International Law, which should every year bring
into prominence one of the economic or social aspects of the
international problem ;
" (6) A Resolution inviting the friends of Peace to favour
co-operation in their respective countries by all the means in
their power."
14. Consideration of the Teaching of Christ in regard to War.
(Proposal of the Society of Friends, England.)
15. Prizes to be distributed to students and pupils for com-
positions in favour of Peace.
(Proposal of the Society of Friends, supported by
the Peace Union and the Liverpool and Birkenhead
Women's Peace and Arbitration Society.)
( 15 )
"* "The Congress recommends, in the interest of Peace by
means of education, that prizes be offered to the children and
young people in the public schools and colleges and in private
schools, for compositions dealing with the Peace Question or any
other subject whose direct or indirect aim is the creation of just
and friendly relations among different races and nations. This
recommendation is particularly made to those teachers who are
free to arrange their curriculum ; if such is not the case, the
prizes may be offered for essays written during other than school
hours.
" History, extracted from Manuals chosen with much care ;
comparative descriptions of the manners and customs of the
different peoples, edited in a large and liberal spirit ; accounts of
journeys made in this same spirit ; novels such as * Lay Down
Your Arms,* which depict in bold relief the evils of war; all these
writings may be utilised for young boys and girls able to under-
stand them, whilst for children of a lower age use can be made of
oral explanations and lectures with lantern slides."
16. Flan of Mr. F. Eemeny, relating to an international
scientific organisation : —
" The Congress approves the proposal and the plan of an
international universal Academy, and appoints for this end a
special committee, which, in agreement with the analogous
committees of the other Congresses, will charge itself with the
deep study of the subject and of the steps to be taken in view of
its realisation."
17. Communication relating to the existence of an Inter-
national Committee for the study of an auxiliary
international language and nomination of a delegate
officially representing the whole Peace Party on this
Committee.
Proposal of the Society " La Paix par la Droit " :
" The Tenth Peace Congress is specially invited to pronounce
on the commercial and scientific usefulness of an international
language, auxiliary to the living languages, as it results from the
excellent work of Mr. Couturat and the important report of
General Sebert at the Academy of Sciences."
18. Annual International Fete to celebrate the 18th May :
(a) Eecommendation of the Committee of the
International Peace Bureau, which does not exclude
the manifestations of the 22nd February.
(6) Proposal of M. Gaston Moch :
( 16 )
" In future, the 18th May, the anniversary of the Opening of
the Hague Conference, shall be celebrated by the Peace Societies,
with the title of ' International FSte.' *'
" The Societies will endeavour on this occasion to organise,
according to circumstances, all kinds of manifestations (such as
banquets, conferences, spectacles, meetings, processions, Peace
flags, etc.) compatible with the laws of their respective countries,
and suitable for attracting general attention to this historic date,
for inspiring the peoples with the firm desire of a policy of justice
and peace, and finally to induce the nations to celebrate every
18th May as an ' International Fete * which would be added to
their respective national festivals.
" With a view of preventing a diffusion of energy, the Societies
bind themselves to transfer to this date of the 18th May the
resources and the efforts which they may hitherto have devoted
to the manifestations of the 22nd February."
19. Adoption of a Ballying-sign in the form of an International
Peace Flag.
(a) Proposal of the Geneva Section of the Swiss
Peace Society.
{b) Proposal of M. Gaston Moch :
*^ The Peace Societies are recommended to hoist, in circum-
stances when it is considered useful to display flags, an Inter-
national Peace Flag, one quarter of which (situated along and at
the top of the staff) shall be composed of the national colours, the
other three-quarters forming a white ground."
D.—C0NGBBS8.
20. Proposals of Mr. Hodgson Pratt to modify the Bules of
the Congress so far as concerns the manner of appoint-
ing Delegates and the representation of the Societies,
proportional to the nmnber of their members.
21. Place and Date of the Eleventh Congress.
22. Appeal to the nations.
On behalf of the Committee of the International
Peace Bureau,
Elib Duoommun, Hon. Sec.
Bbbnb : the 27th Jvly, 1901.
EEGULATIONS FOR THE CONGRESS.
I. COMPOSITION OP THE CONGRESSES.
1. The Uniyersal Peace Congresses are composed of : —
(a) Delegates of Peace Societies ;
(6) Delegates of public Institutions or constituted Authorities that
have informed the International Peace Bureau of their desire
to support the work of the Congresses ;
(c) Delegates of Societies that do not make the cause of Peace
their main object, but have given in their adhesion to the
International Peace Bureau, by communicating their Statutes
to it at least six weeks in advance ;
(d) Members of Peace Societies not acting as Delegates, but
desiring to take part in the Congress.
2. Any Peace Society, and any public Institution, or constituted Authority,
has the right of being represented at the Peace Congresses by one
Delegate with the power of voting, if notice be given to the
Organising Committee before the opening of the Congress.
8. In addition, any Peace Society has a right to one vote for every
hundred members, certified by the Secretary in writing, up to ten
votes, every fraction of 100 members counting as 100.
4. The contribution of each Society to the expenses of the Congress
shall be 10 francs (8s.) for the first Delegate, and 6 francs (4s.) for
each additional Delegate.
6. Any individual member of a Peace Society may become a member of
the Congress, with the right of taking part in the discussions, but
not of voting. The Organising Committee may demand a fee from
such member. Such fee must not exceed 5 francs (4s.).
Societies that do not make the cause of Peace their main
object (Art. 1, c) are also admitted with the right of voting, but
such Society has only a right to one vote.
6. No Society has a right to more than ten votes.
7. The public shall be admitted to the Congresses as far as possible, but
without the right of taking part in the discussions.
8. The verification of credentials shall be made before the opening of
the Congress. Every authorised Delegate shall receive a card
of admission ; the colour of the card will indicate the number of
votes to which the Delegate is entitled.
c
( 18 )
II. PBESIDENOY AND BUREAU.
9. Immediately after the opeDing speeches, the Congress shall appoint
its President and as many Vice-Presidents as there are nationalities
represented at the Congress. It shall also appoint its General
Secretary. The President, Vice-Presidents, and General Secretary
constitute the Bureau, which shall decide any questions of order
which the President may consider he has not the power to decide
himself.
III. SECRETARIAT.
10. The duties of the Secretariat for deliberations (General Secretariat)
and those of the Secretariat of the local Organising Committee
are distinct.
11. The duties of the General Secretariat are : —
(a) To prepare the documents, etc., to be placed before the pre-
consultative Commissions ;
(b) To receive, and arrange for the translation, printing, and
distribution of the proposals of those Commissions ;
(c) To prepare and post up in the meeting-place of the Congress,
before each sitting, the order of the day in three languages ;
(d) To indicate on a black-board, during the sitting, the question
under discussion ;
{e) To submit to the President of the Congress, before and during
the sitting, documents, and any other information useful for
the conduct of these deliberations ;
(/) To prepare a resume in French of the resolutions adopted,
in the form of a very succinct report, which may be at the
disposal of members and journalists in the office of the
Secretariat, as soon as it has been approved by the President ;
(g) To provide for the oral translation of the speeches, and for the
written translation of proposals and amendments ;
(h) To edit, and have printed, the Report of the proceedings of
the Congress in the accustomed form ;
(i) To afford members of the Congress any information they may
require as to the progress of the proceedings.
12. The duties of the Secretariat of the Organising CommitteiB are : —
(a) To prepare the list of members of the Congress, delegates, and
adherents ;
(6) To receive the entrance fees ;
(c) To supply members of the Congress with their cards of
membership, badges, and invitations ;
d) To provide for the introduction of members in the hall of
meeting;
( 19 )
(e) To provide for the sale and distribution of publications other
than those distributed in the Congress Hall with reference to
the pending discussion.
IV. PROGRAMME AND PREOONSULTATIVE
COMMISSIONS.
13. The Committee of the International Peace Bureau will submit to the
Societies a draft programme, and invite them to complete it, within
a stated time, by propositions they desire to have discussed by the
Congress.
14. The answers received shall be classified by the Bureau, which shall
send a summary of them to the Societies, in order that they may
give instructions to their delegates on all the questions that may be
submitted to the Congress.
15. The final programme adopted by the Conmiittee of the International
Peace Bureau shall serve as the basis for discussion.
16. The programme shall be divided into two or three groups of pro-
positions. Each of these groups shall be referred to a preconsulta-
tive Commission.
17. Each of the preconsultative Commissions of the Congress shall be
composed of from five to seven members, chosen by the Bureau of
the Congress from those who have signified in writing at the
beginning of the opening sitting their willingness to serve, or who
are known to be willing to serve.
18. The preconsultative Commissions may, for the purpose of obtaining
information, consult anyone whom they may think fit. Delegate,
adherent, or a non-member of the Congress.
19. Speeches, properly so called, will be reserved for the full sittings of
the Congress, the business of the Commissions being to examine,
revise, and co-ordinate the propositions sent in by the Peace
Societies and appearing on the definitive programme, or to prepare
fresh resolutions on the questions submitted to them.
20. Every proposal for the revision of a previous resolution, in order to
be submitted to the Congress, should be presented in the ordinary
form of other proposals. On the report of the corresponding pre-
consultative Commission the Congress will first decide whether
there is any reason for placing this revision on the programme.
21. The Congress may also decide that a new question, not appearing on
the programme, may be discussed, if the proposal is brought for-
ward by the corresponding preconsultative Commission.
22. Each of the Commissions will do its work after the opening sitting
on the first day, and, if necessary, on the morning of the second
day, in such a manner that its conclusions, printed in three
c 2
( 20 )
langaages, may be in the hands of the members of the Congress
at latest by the opening of the sitting at which its report and con-
clusions are to be discussed.
28. The report of the International Bureau on the events of the year will
be read at the end of the opening sitting of the Congress, and
referred to a special Commission, which will present its report and
written conclusions at the following sitting, devoted to questions
of actuality.
24. The last sitting of the Congress will be devoted exclusively to the
adoption of the text of the Appeal to the Nations, and to deciding
the place and date of the next Congress.
V. DELIBERATIONS.
25. No speaker, other than the reporters, may speak on any one subject
for more than ten minutes, and, except by the express authority
of the meeting, no one may speak more than once on the same
subject, save by way of personal explanation.
26. Discussion on points of order shall interrupt the discussion on the
main question.
27. The President shall take care that speakers do not wander frona the
question under discussion.
28. The meeting may, by a majority of votes, closure debates.
29. Resolutions shall be adopted by a bare majority of votes.
80. Amendments shall be put to the vote before the motions to which
they refer.
81. In any doubtful case, the rules of the deliberative bodies of the
country appointed in advance by the Bureau of the Congress shall
be applied.
VI. TRANSLATIONS.
82. Before the Congress, each Society should have the documents for-
warded to it by the Berne Bureau, translated at its own expense.
It cannot demand their translation in the course of the sittings
of the Congress.
88. Societies speaking the same language may be assisted by a translator
for the other documents, and for the discussion.
84. A simmiary of any paper or report that may be read to the Congress
should be previously deposited with the Bureau, translated into at
least one language, which shall be one of those appointed by the
Provisional Committee. It is to the interest of societies to present
summaries in several languages ; these summaries will be placed
at the disposal of those delegates who desire them*
( 21 )
35. Every resolntion and amendment should be deposited with the
Bureau of the Congress, after having been translated into at least
one of the languages which have been appointed by the Provisional
Committee.
86. A translator shall be attached to the Bureau of the Congress ; he
shall see that the regulations are observed.
87. The reports of the sittings shall be prepared in French.
88. Speakers may address the Congress in French, German, English,
Italian, or the language of the country in which the Congress is
held. Speeches not made in French shall be summarised in that
language. Translations into any other language will be made
only if demanded.
ELIE DUCOMMUN,
Honora/ry Secretcury of the International Peace Bureau,
Bebne, 1st July^ 1897.
THE TENTH
UNIVERSAL PEACE CONGRESS,
1901.
preliminary ^leetitt0B.
OPENING CONVBESAZIONE.
Satubdat, 7th Septbmbbb, 1901, in the St. Akd&ew'b
Hall (Bebeelbt Hall), Qlasoow.
Undeb the auspices of the West of Scotland Peace and
Arbitration Society (affiliated with the Peace Society) ^ a
conversazione took place in the Berkeley Hall of the
St. Andrew's Hall, on Saturday, September 7th, at which
the delegates, mainly from England and America, who
had come to Glasgow to attend the Tenth Universal Peace
Congress, and other Peace Meetings in Glasgow, were
introduced to each other and to the local members and
friends. Ex-Provost James Clark, Paisley, President of the
Society, occupied the chair, and at the conclusion of the
social function welcomed the delegates, prefacing his remarks
by a sympathetic reference to the assassination of President
M'Kinley. Dr. B. H. Thomas, Baltimore, and Dr. Benjamin
Trueblood responded to the welcome, and both acknowledged
the expressions of sympathy, pointing out that the tragic
incident was in keeping with the war spirit. Both speakers,
however, were optimistic as to the eventual triumph of Peace.
Dr. W. Evans Darby, who took part in the addresses of
welcome, also referred to the assassination, and asked if it
was to be wondered at that when a nation, as a nation,
( S8 )
appealed to brute force, despairing men did the same. A
resolution was forwarded to Mrs. M'Kinley and the family,
expressing sympathy with them under the distressing circum-
stances in which they were placed.
PEACE C0NGEES8 SUNDAY.
8th Septembeb.
The following day was observed in many churches as
Peace Congress Sunday, in response to a letter which had
been sent by the Peace Society to all ministers and their
churches in Scotland, numbering about 5,500, inviting them
to make special reference to the subject of International Peace
in their services and prayers. A great many responded, and
a list of churches in Glasgow and neighbourhood, where this
would be done, was published in the local press.
SEEMON BY DE. HUNTEE.
In the evening, the Eev. Dr. John Hunter, in Trinity
Congregational Church, preached to a crowded congregation
in connection with the Peace Congress. The text selected
was Isaiah ii. 4, "Nation shall not lift up sword against
nation, neither shall they learn war any more.'* The sermon
was a masterly exposition of the Christian principles of
Peace, and its delivery evoked frequent applause from the
audience. It will be published as a tract by the Peace
Society, and may be obtained at the office of the Congress,
47, New.Broad Street, London, E.C.
EEUNION IN LONDON.
On the afternoon of Sunday, September 8th, Mr. Felix
Moscheles, Chairman of the International Arbitration and
Peace Association, and a Member of the Executive of the
Peace Society, received at his house, 80, Elm Park Eoad,
Chelsea, those delegates who were in London on their way to
the Congress, together with a number of guests who were
invited to meet them.
( 24 )
M. FBf:D:^Bio Passy, who was present, thanked Mr. and
Mrs. Moscheles, for their generous hospitality, and eloquently
sketched the objects and activities of the Peace Societies.
M. Moscbeles replied by warmly thanking his visitors, and
expressing the hope that the Congress in Glasgow would be
a great success. This sentiment was endorsed by several
others who addressed the Meeting.
CONPEEENCE OP THE CHURCHES.
Monday, Sbptembeb 9th.
MOBNING.
Intimately, though not officially, connected with the Con-
gress was the " Conference of the Churches," called by the
Beligious Society of Priends, which was held in St. Andrew's
(Berkeley) Hall on Monday, September 9th. There was a
good attendance.
The proceedings began at half-past nine o'clock a.m., by
a meeting for devotion. The Morning Conference began at
ten o'clock under the presidency of Mr. Joshua Bowntree,
Scarborough. After the " Opening Address " by the Chair-
man, Miss Prances Thompson, Liverpool, read a paper on
" Old Testament Teaching " in regard to Peace. This was
followed by a paper on the same subject, written byMr.W. C.
Braithwaite, Banbury, and read on his behalf. The discussion
was opened by Mr. J. G. Alexander, Tunbridge Wells, and
sustained by Mr. Samuel J. Capper, M. Olaus Kellermann
(Cette, Prance), Miss Ellen Bobinson, Bev. W. J. Spriggs-
Smith, Miss P. H. Peckover, Mr. Thomas Wright, and Bev.
M. Bruce Meikleham (Glasgow). At the close of this dis-
cussion Mr. J. G. Alexander read a paper on '' The Betributive
Aspect of War," after which the Conference adjourned.
Aftebnoon.
At half-past two the sitting of the Conference was resumed^
under the presidency of Dr. Bobert Spence Watson, Newcastle-
on-Tyne. After the Chairman's Address Mr. J. H. Midgley,
( 25 )
B.Sc, J.P., of Grange-over-Sands, read a paper on " New
Testament Teaching on War." This was followed up by an
Address on the same subject by Dr.E. H. Thomas, Baltimore,
U.S.A. In the subsequent discussion the Eev. Walter Walsh,
Dundee, and the Eev. M. Bruce Meikleham (Glasgow) took
part, and Dr. E. H. Thomas replied. Papers were afterwards
read by the Eev. M. J. Elliott (Boulogne-sur-Mer) on "War
and Christian Missions," and Dr. Benjamin F. Trueblood
(Boston, U.S.A.) on **The Golden Eule in International
Affairs " ; and also one prepared by Professor Dr. J. Eendel
Harris, Cambridge, on " The Early Christians and War."
Evening. — Public Meeting.
In the evening at eight o'clock a public meeting was held
in the Great Hall, St. Andrew's Hall, which was presided
over by the Hon. the Lord Provost (Mr. Samuel Chisholm,
LL.D.), who was supported on the platform by the Eight
Eev. Bishop Harrison ; Eev. Canon Barker, M.A. ; Eev. Dr.
Mackennal, Bowdon; Eev. Dr. W. Evans Darby, London;
Dr. Benjamin Trueblood, Boston, U.S.A. ; Eev. Dr. Fergus
Ferguson ; Ex-Provost Clark, Paisley ; Mr. John Wilson,
ex-M.P. ; Eev. Dr. John Hunter ; Eev. Dr. Stalker ; Miss
Ellen Eobinson, Liverpool; Miss PriscillaPeckover, Wisbech;
Eev. M. J. Elliott, Southport ; Mr. Eobert Bird ; Mr. W. J.
Begg ; Mr. J. G. Alexander, Tunbridge Wells ; Mr. Walter
Walsh, Dundee, etc.
The Eev. Dr. Hunter offered prayer, after which the Lord
Provost delivered an Address, which was greatly appreciated
by the audience. Addresses were also delivered by the Eev.
Canon Barker, M.A., London; the Eev. Alexander Mackennal,
D.D, Bowdon, Manchester; Miss Ellen Eobinson, Liverpool;
Professor Silvanus P. Thompson, D.Sc, F.E.S., London; and
Dr. B. P. Trueblood. The Eev. James Stalker, D.D., Glasgow,
and Mr. Joshua Eowntree^ Scarborough, also took part in the
proceedings.
i
OPENING SESSION OF THE
CONGRESS-
\
TUBSDAT MoBNIMa^ SePTBMBBB 10th, 1901, AT 11 o'OIiOGK.
The first session of the Tenth Universal Peace Congress
took place in St. Andrew's (Berkeley) Hall, Glasgow, on the
morning of Tuesday, September 10th. Over 180 delegates,
representing societies in the leading countries of the Western j
world, had then reported themselves. The Lord Provost
(Dr. Samuel Ghisholm) had promised (on the 24th May last)
to open the proceedings at eleven o'clock, but after some
delay Dr. W. Evans Darby had to explain that his lordship
was still unaccountably absent. It afterwards transpired that
he had been delayed over the presentation of the freedom
of the city to Lord Balfour of Burleigh and Mr. Andrew
Carnegie. Dr. Darby suggested that the formal business
should be proceeded with, and moved that Dr. Spence
Watso 1 should be asked to take the chair. This was agreed
to. Dr. Watson being received with hearty applause.
Appointment of Officers.
Mr. Felix Mosohbles, as Chairman of the Organising
Com aittee, announced that, owing to urgent business in
conn jction with the purchase of the Jura-Simplon Eailway,
of w lich he is Secretary, M. Elie Ducommun, Secretary of
the Permanent Bureau, was unfortunately unable to leave
Swit'^iCrland, and that he had nominated M. Emile Arnaud
and Dr. Bovet to represent him and the Bureau at the Con-
gress . He formally proposed the Lord Provost of Glasgow
as Hon. President, Dr. Spence Watson and Sir Joseph Pease,
KOBEBT SPENCE WATSON, ESQ.. LL.D.,
President of the Congrest.
( 27 )
Barty M.V., as Presidents, and MM. Arnaud and Bovet
General Secretaries of the Congress. This was agreed to.
Lettebs and Tblegbams.
Letters and telegrams, regretting inability to be present
and expressing good wishes, were read from a number of
persons, including the Baron and Baroness von Suttner
(Austria), M. Elie Ducommun (Berne), M. Kemeny (Secretary
of the Hungarian Peace Society), M. Lucien Le Foyer (Paris),
Signer Moneta (Milan), Dr. Max Kolben (Vienna), Senator
Henri La Fontaine (Brussels), Mr. Hodgson Pratt, Mr. Walter
Crane, and others.
Pbesidbntial Addbess.
Dr. Spenob Watson said : You will all be with me when I
say that no one could more heartily regret the absence of the
Lord Provost at the present time than I do. But no Lord
Provost and no other man could more earnestly welcome the
gathering of this Congress. It is the first assembly of the
kind I have been permitted to attend, and I have looked for-
ward to it with keen expectation. It is indeed a delight to
meet so many persons from so many parts of the world, who
have been working for the cause of Peace in such an admir-
able way — that cause which some of us may almost call the
passion of our lives. To those of us who live in this country
the present time is, perhaps, as dark a time as we have ever
known. (Hear, hear.) It is not for me to speak of that
terrible war in South Africa, which we cannot think of without
humiliation; nor need I allude to the swooping down of the
Christian nations on China — the most detestable bit of greed
that history records. (Applause.) We have seen one after
another of our fondest hopes shattered. We have seen
things which we thought were settled — the position which our
people had assumed with regard to nationalities, with regard
to the treatment of the weak nations, with regard even to
slavery itself — rudely thrown on one side : and many a time
it has seemed to us as though we were living in darkness
which could be felt. But, travelling up from the North of
Scotland to this Congress, it was my lot four days ago to
( 28 )
spend a day upon the mainland, looking across to the grand
island of Skye. All day long, dark and heavy storm-clouds
hung over it, but in the evening, wandering forth araong the
lonely hills, the blessed sun shone forth, and at eventime
there was light ; and at the moment it seems to me as if this
was typical of our present position. The cause for which we
have been fighting is no failure. (Applause.) We are not
really under clouds which will not be pierced. Some of us
can look back to the Crimean War ; some of us took a very
humble part in what seems in the recollection a slight agita-
tion against that war ; and now, looking back, we see that
that slight agitation has triumphed, for the men who were
most bitterly opposed to the Peace party in those days now
admit that the Peace party were right, and they were in the
wrong ; and assuredly the day will come when those who
ridicule and despise us now will admit that as to this war we
have also been in the right. It is well for us to try and
gather together the gleams of light at a time like this. We
have another, perhaps the strongest, ground for encourage-
ment, that is the Peace Conference at The Hague. We are
told that The Hague Conference was a failure. On the con-
trary, the mere fact that it was held was a triumph. (Cheers.)
The results have been much greater, even at the present
moment, than the evil prophets predicted before the Con-
ference was held. A great step in advance has been taken.
The Hague Conference was the most glorious event of the
nineteenth century. It remains for the civilised peoples to
decide whether it shall not be an abiding victory, and I have
faith ultimately in the peoples of the world. (Applause.)
When the war fever sweeps over a nation it loses its head ; it
is no use arguing with it ; it will not listen to reason ; but,
depend upon it, materialism and brute force are not the ideals
to which the peoples of this world will ultimately bow.
(Applause.) There is a humanity which embraces us all,
which binds us together, which makes the nations members
one of another, because we have the same Father. There is
a Brotherhood of Man which follows from the Fatherhood of
God, and which, with daily, wider knowledge, becomes more
and more gifted with the fruit of brotherly love ; and when
( 29 )
we once as peoples thoroughly understand each other, when
the demand comes — as I feel persuaded it will come — for
universal and permanent Arbitration between countries —
(Applause) — when the Arbitration Court shadowed forth at
The Hague becomes an absolute and active fact — and I
may say, I speak of Arbitration with some knowledge, be-
cause, to compare small things with great, in more than
eighty Arbitrations between masters and workmen I have
been sole arbitrator or umpire, and never had an award
disputed — then our children's children will have cause to bless
the work of their fathers. Their fathers have sown with tears
that which they will reap in joy, for the certain consequence
of permanent Arbitration will be universal Peace among the
nations of the earth. (Applause.) The Chairman subse-
quently added that there was one thing they should not
forget, that where during the Crimean War they had one man
with them, to-day they had a hundred. (Applause.)
Bbpobts of National Bepbesentatives.
Dr. Adolph Eiohteb (Pforzheim, Germany) said: I am
charged by my German countrymen to give our hearty thanks
for the cordial reception we have received from our English
friends, and especially for the kind and eloquent words
with which our President has given us such a friendly wel-
come. The Peace Movement in Germany is rather a new
one, not counting more than nine years. It is also rather a
difficult one, because Germany is a military land, where
everybody has to be enrolled in the army, and where, also,
in consequence of the victorious wars we had to go through,
not many years ago, the military spirit has permeated a good
deal of the population. But, in spite of that, we neither
despair nor lose our courage, seeing that, nevertheless, our
Peace ideas are spreading gradually over the whole country,
and that the number of our members has grown at present to
more than 8,000. The Peace movement in your country,
being much older than ours, may be our teacher, and seeing
that our English Peace friends have always remained firm
and steadfast in doing their duty, notwithstanding the
( 80 )
greatest obstacles and difficulties, we will follow their example
by doing our best for the propagation of Peace ideas, which
will, it is our conviction, bring happiness and moral progress
to the whole world in future times. (Cheers.) When at Paris
last year we accepted the invitation to Glasgow we believed
that the South African War would be finished by this time.
I assure you, however, that my fellow-countrymen would be
overjoyed if convenient terms could be found as soon as
possible to stop the war. Let us work together indefatigably
with all our forces, that what we do in these days of the Con-
gress may contribute to this end. So I am charged by the
German Peace Society to bring you their best wishes for
the success of your endeavours, and for the fulfilment of your
wishes and your hopes. Let me finish with our motto — "War
against war ! " (Applause.)
Miss S. Bajer (Copenhagen) brought warmest wishes for
the success of the Congress from the friends of Peace in
Denmark, and from her father, M. Prederik Bajer, who was
unable to attend. Denmark, she said, belonged to the small
nations — the greater cause, therefore, did they feel for working
in the cause of Peace. In olden times, no doubt, the Danes
thought it good fun to come over to the coasts of Scotland
and England and ravage and kill ; but they were no longer
wild barbarians, and many of her countrymen hoped that
that Congress would help to pull down the walls of the temple
of the war-god and let in the sunshine of amity and progress.
(Applause.)
His Excellency Don Abtubo de Mabooabtu (Spain)
thought that though there were some things to discourage
there was also much to give them hope. It seemed to him
that the majority of the inhabitants of the globe were in
favour of Peace. The Church was interested in the cause of
Peace ; women had done, and could do, a great deal against
war ; and the greatest interest of the mass of working men
was Peace. Last year they had had an important Congress
in Madrid, consisting of representatives of all the peoples
speaking the Spanish tongue, — seventeen States; and it
declared unanimously in favour of obligatory Arbitration.
He wished success to the Congress.
( 31 )
Mr. MosoHELEs read a telegram from the Baroness von
Suttner, expressing her great regret not to be present, and
inviting the Congress to meet in Vienna in 1903.
Dr. B. F. Trubblood (Boston, U.S.A.), said: It gives me
great pleasure to be with you again. We from America
appreciate your warm greeting, because, in rather a special
sense, we feel as if we belong to the same international family
as you. I rise to bring greetings from the friends of Peace
in America, and to express the great hopefulness and courage
with which they are labouring. Never has there been a time,
since the organisation of the Peace movement in 1815, when
the cause has been so strong, so deep, and so widespread as
it is to-day. (Cheers.) I never came to a Peace Congress
with so much courage and hope as to this. Since we were at
Paris last year it was announced from The Hague by the
Dutch Foreign Minister — about five months ago — that the
International Tribunal was definitely established and ready
for business. I am not one of those who believe that that
tribunal is gradually perishing, and is going to come to
nought. (Hear, hear.) I believe there is no reason for dis-
couragement on the part of anybody in that matter. I believe
that what Baron d'Estournelles has said to the effect that the
Permanent Court was suffering a lingering death did not at
all represent the case Bather, it is having a lingering birth.
When the Supreme Court of the United States was established
in our country, it was many years before the thirteen States
which originally founded it were willing to submit any case
to it. After several years a case was submitted, and then
another, and by-and-by it became the Supreme Court in fact
as well as in name. The Government of the United States is
absolutely committed to The Hague Tribunal, and proposes to
use its whole influence to bring it as speedily as possible into
operation. (Applause.) You will be interested to know that
since the last International Peace Congress the movement in
our country has made certain, specific and definite progress.
We have held our annual Peace Conference at Lake Mohonk,
attended by nearly two hundred eminent men and women of
our country; and this Conference threw the whole weight
of its influence in the direction of inducing our Government
( 82 )
to bring cases as soon as possible before The Hague Court.
This Conference sent a deputation to lay its conclusions before
the President. There has also been summoned another Inter-
American Conference, which is to meet in Mexico on October
22nd, and perhaps to sit throughout the winter — a repetition
of the Conference of Washington twelve years ago. One of
the express purposes of this Conference was to provide a
general system of Arbitration for the nineteen independent
American States, all of which now are likely to be repre-
sented. The friends of Peace in my country are devoting
themselves to this one particular object of inducing the nine-
teen American Republics to conclude a treaty of Arbitration
by which they pledge themselves to submit all their disputes
to* The Hague Court. By this we secure two things. We
secure the admission of the seventeen States who were not
signatories of the Convention to representation in The Hague
Court. I have never found out why they were not invited to
the Conference. If that is done, we shall have brought
practically the whole civilised world into The Hague Tribunal.
(Hear, hear.) Our American Peace friends think the next
thing is to secure treaties of Arbitration by which they
shall obligate themselves to bring into operation The Hague
Tribunal, and not to turn back on our steps. Our people are
committed to this course. We don't believe we should admit
The Hague Court to be in any sense a failure — (hear, hear) —
notwithstanding our decline and sad mistake in the Philip-
pines. Our Government — especially our Secretary of State,
Mr. Hay — are committed heart and soul to this policy,
and our people, the rank and file, are in intense sympathy
with The Hague Court. I never felt so much encouraged
about our cause. I do not expect war to end at once. We
are not fit for the millennium yet — (laughter) — but we are
progressing. There never was a time when so many people,
in so many countries, were individually and unitedly opposed
to all war and to every phase of war ; and the number is
increasing among statesmen, among women, among working-
men. Everywhere this sentiment ts solidifying, and no one
to-day need hang his head and be afraid of accounting him-
self a friend of Peace. Let us be encouraged to go on with
( 83 )
more hope, more faith ! The Peace movement has made
progress that would have been thought impossible once. If
anyone had said a hundred years ago that a century would
see a Permanent International Court set up, he would have
been thought the wildest and absurdest of dreamers. If we
make the same progress in the twentieth century, it cannot
but end in the universal and everlasting triumph of our cause.
(Loud cheers.)
Mme. Waszklbwioz van Sohilfgaarde (The Hague,
Holland) said : I did not want to come to this country at this
time because of the Transvaal War, but ultimately a sense of
duty prevailed, and I am here to protest against war in
general, and that in particular. The latter question has too
much taken possession of me for me to speak of it in moderate
terms. Therefore I will simply convey the greetings of the
Dutch friends of Peace, and their expressions of sympathy
with the English friends of Peace, and especially to those
Englishmen whose great courage has been an example to us
all. (Applause.)
Signor Coisson delivered the greetings of the Societies of
Turin, Torre Pellice, and other Italian centres ; expressed the
sympathy, respect, and admiration which Young Italy felt
toward those who were old in the cause of Peace ; and spoke
of the spread of the movement in Italy after the Bome
Congress.
M. Fa^oiiRio Passy (Paris) said that he was glad to see
many there whom they had welcomed in Paris during the
Exhibition last year, and who must have found on that
occasion reason to believe that the majority of the people of
France recognise that progress is best manifested by showing
respect for the independence and the institutions of other
countries. In France, not only had the number of individuals
and of societies in the Peace movement been increased
during the past year ; but a very significant fact was that on
February 22nd last, when a " Peace Day '* banquet was held,
the four official representatives of the French Government
in The Hague Tribunal were present, and the chief French
delegate, M. Bourgeois, took the chair. He hoped that in
future the Governments would be more inclined to lead the
D
( 84 )
Peace movement, instead of timidly following. Another
interesting fact was that at the last French Badical and
Eadical-Socialist Congress a most emphatic peace resolution
was adopted. On all sides they met with sympathy. The
attitude of the Government toward the schools and teachers
of France was much improved. Formerly the primary
schools of France were schools of jingoism and military
glory; now circular after circular had been issued by the
Government to teachers, pointing out that the highest form
of patriotism and civic duty was to understand and to show
respect to the institutions of other countries and to claim
liberty for themselves by respecting the claim for liberty in
others. (Loud cheers.) A few years ago a teacher who
taught these ideas would have been marked and his career
compromised ; now he was encouraged. Thus the Peace idea
was spreading, the world programme of their movement was
being achieved, and, obstacles notwithstanding, the day
was coming when the wish of his old friend Cobden would
be realised, and the nations, instead of exchanging bullets,
would exchange bales of goods and merchandise. (Applause.)
M. J. NoviGow (Odessa, Bussia) said there was no real
antagonism between Bussia and England, though it was the
tradition to describe them as natural adversaries. Their
antagonism existed only in fancy and in political intrigue,
and really was not based on fact. All the differences were
the result of fantasies or intrigues. In Bussia, for reasons
too painful to enumerate, no Peace society had been con-
stituted, but they might rest assured that the Bussians were
the most pacific people in the world. (Hear, hear.) If that
were not so for moral, it would be for material reasons.
Bussia was the poorest country in the world, and where men
were poor they were anxious to find peaceful means of sub-
sistence, and took no part in political enterprises involving
war. (Applause.) He saluted the town of Glasgow ; it was
most appropriate that the Peace Congress should meet there,
where Watt initiated and rendered possible the application of
steam to transport and travel, and so immensely facilitated
the intercourse of nations. Glasgow has thus done much
indirectly for the unification of the world, and he hoped it
( 86 )
would go on to benefit it directly by the organisation of Peace
societies. (Hear, hear.)
Dr. BovBT (Berne, Switzerland) expressed regret that
Switzerland was not represented there by M. Ducommun.
In Switzerland all are friends of Peace. (Hear, hear.) The
Swiss also are a pacific people by necessity, by taste, by
education; they associate with the idea of Peace a very
sincere love of country, and see no antagonism between the
two, but a natural union. They have succeeded in federating
twenty-five small States, respecting the patriotism of each,
and not interfering with local rights and customs ; and thus
the ideal of a larger nationality, a more widespread patriotism
had naturally arisen. Just as the Cantons of the Confedera-
tion were welded into one constitutional, harmonious whole,
representing all that was worthy in the national instinct, so
the great States of Europe might be federated and a higher
patriotism brought forth — the patriotism of humanity.
(Applause.)
Mr. Felix Mosgheles (London) said he hardly liked being
asked to speak for England lest he should be set down as a
Little Englander. (Laughter.) He was thoroughly devoted
to the International Tribunal at The Hague, and a thorough
believer in its value. He had lately met several of the envoys
to the Peace Conference — especially Baron de Staal, Mr.
Andrew D. White, and Mr. HoUs— and had been very much
encouraged to find that their convictions in favour of the
Peace idea were as deep as his own. All these great States-
men believed in the instrument they had helped to create, and
they looked for the help of the Peace societies. (Applause.)
Eeport on the Events of the Year.
M. Emilb Arnaud read the report of the Berne Bureau on
the events of the year, and this was referred to Commission A
— the Commission on Actualities.
Appointment of Officers and Commissions.
While this was being done, the national groups met in a
corner of the Hall to nominate their Vice-Presidents and
their representatives on the pre-Consultative Commissions.
Mr. Moscheles was appointed Vice-President for Great Britain
D 2
( 86 )
and Mr. Edwin D. Mead for the United States. The following
were also designated : For Germany, Dr. Adolph Eichter ;
for Denmark, Miss Sigrun Bajer ; for Spain, His Excellency
Senor Don Arturo de Marcoartu; for France, M. Frederic
Passy ; for Italy, Signor Coi'sson ; for Norway, Mr. Armistead;
for Holland, Mme. Waszklewicz ; for Persia, M. Arakelian ;
for Russia, M. J. Novicow ; and for Switzerland, Dr. G. Bovet.
The following Commissions were also appointed : —
A. (Actualities) — Mrs. Mead, MM. Arakelian, Novicow,
Bovet, Pichot, Tripier, Dr. Richter, and T. P. Newman ;
B. (International Law) — MM. Arnaud, Passy, Miss P. H.
Peckover, Professor Quidde, Dr. Trueblood, Mr. J. G. Alex-
ander, M. Aubry, and Mile. Bajer.
C. (Propaganda) — Dr. Holtzel, MM. Gaston Moch,
Ruyssen, Prudhommeaux, Go'isson, Dr. R. H. Thomas, and
Mr. G. H. Perris.
The Congress then adjourned.
ANNUAL MEETING OF THE BERNE BUREAU.
The Annual General Meeting of the International Peace
Bureau was held in the St. Andrew's Hall, Glasgow, on Tues-
day, September 10th, 1901, at 5 p.m., under the Presidency
of Mr. Frederic Passy.
Twenty -six societies were represented. The meeting
unanimously adopted the Report of the Bureau and the
accounts for the year which had been audited by M. Louis
Perrin and the Baron von Suttner ; and also resolved to send
to M. Elie Ducommun, the Honorary Secretary, detained at
home by urgent business, an expression of thanks and grati-
tude for his services.
The estimated Budget for 1901-2 was also approved of.
The twenty-five members of the Committee were reap-
pointed and the name of Professor Quidde, of Munich, was
added. They are as follows:— M. Frederic Bajer, the Baroness
von Suttner, M. Elie Ducommun, M. Henri Morel, Dr. Ludwig
Stein, Miss E. Robinson, Mrs. Belva Lockwood, Mr. Hodgson
Pratt, M. Frederic Passy, M. Emile Arnaud, M. Henri La
( 37 )
Fontaine, Dr. Adolf Eichter, Signor Moneta, M. Nicola
Pleva, Senor Maghalhaes Lima, Dr. B. P. Trueblood, Count
Bothmer, M. Horst, M. E. Wavrinsky, M. Gaston Moch, Dr.
Baart de la Faille, Dr. W. Evans Darby, Dr. E. Giretti,
M. F. Kemeny, M. Jacques Novicow, and Professor Quidde.
The auditors were re-elected, viz.. Baron von Suttner
(Vienna), and M. Louis Perrin (Berne).
MUNICIPAL EECEPTION.
In the evening the Corporation held a reception in the
Marble Halls of the Municipal Buildings, in honour of
the visit of the members of the Congress. The guests, to
the number of over 700, were received by the Lord Provost
and Magistrates from a quarter past seven o'clock until about
eight, and were entertained during the evening to music,
supplied in the Banqueting Hall by Herr ijBf's band and in
the corridors by the Boys* Brigade Band. The staircases
and corridors were decorated with plants and flowers. The
scene was a brilliant one, and the gay dresses of the ladies,
set off by the more sombre attire of the men, were a pleasing
and picturesque sight. In the course of the evening the
guests assembled in the Banqueting Hall, and were welcomed
by the Lord Provost, who was accompanied to the platform
by, among others, Baillie Cleland, Dr. W. Evans Darby,
Dr. Benjamin F. Trueblood, U.S.A. ; Principal Hutton,
Bailie Maclay, Herr Eichter, M. Frederic Passy, Mr. Joshua
Eowntree, Bailie King, Mr. John Wilson, ex-M.P. ; Professor
Hudson, Bailies Willock, Finlay, J. C. Eobertson, Treasurer
Murray, Dr. Eendel Harris, Mr. J. Frederick Green, Mr. E.
Eussell Brayshaw, Mr. John Garroway, Eev. Dr. Fergus
Ferguson, Eev. Dr. Boyd, Mr. W. T. Begg, the City Chamber-
lain, Mr. Eobert Cameron, M. Arnaud, Mr. Moch, M. Euyssen,
and Mr. Bain, ex-Canadian Speaker, Ottawa.
The Lord Provost said : It is with very great pleasure
that to-night, in the name of the Magistrates and the
Corporation of the City of Glasgow, I express our satisfaction
that so many members and friends of the Tenth Universal
Peace Congress have been able to accept our invitation to
( 88 )
spend an hour or two in fellowship and intercourse with each
other under our municipal roof. We extend to you the most
hearty and cordial welcome, and express the hope that your
Congress itself, as well as the functions in connection with it,
will be full of pleasure and comfortable to yourselves, and
that it will contribute to the furtherance of the great cause
for which it exists, and to extend which is the aim and object
of your efforts. The Corporation is sometimes likened to a
State, and we have heard to-day, some of us, comparisons
between the City of Glasgow and States possessing, as they
do, princes, potentates, and other equipments. But there is
this difference : the Corporation, whatever it may do, never
makes War, it never engages in any hostile design or enter-
prise ; the basis of its prosperity is that of Peace, and I should
think that, that being so with the little State of a Corporation,
it would also be found to be equally true in connection with
a great Kingdom, or Empire even, that it should have as
the basis of its existence, Peace. We all recognise that
the Christral ideal is that of brotherhood and love, and living
in peace with all men, and that the efforts of all men should
be directed towards the maintenance and extension of Peace.
Our ideal is a time of Universal Peace, and I am sure that
we all wish, long, and pray for its realisation. (Applause.)
Dr. W. Evans Darby, in acknowledging on behalf of the
members of the Congress the kindness of the Corporation
in welcoming them in the Municipal Buildings, referred
especially to the personal urbanity of the Lord Provost
and the courtesy he had received from him. The Lord
Provost had reminded them that this great municipality,
which, he said, never makes war, represented what was the
basis of their great imperial glory and power — in spite of its
aggressiveness. The British Empire had been built up upon
all that was represented by this great community on the
banks of the Clyde. It was not the sword which had created
that Empire. Her ships have sailed on every sea ; foremost
of her colonists have been the sons of Scotia, and they had
established themselves everywhere. The natural vigour of
the race had asserted itself, not by physical force only, but
by strength of character, activity, diligence, and all that was
represented in this great city, whose Corporation never made
( 39 )
war and whose foundations rested on Peace. Her ships
which plied from one shore to another were the shuttles which
were weaving the web of international comity and friendship.
At that moment, in her great Exhibition, she was holding a
mute Peace Congress— a collection of the products and
results of friendly rivalry and co-operation, and he thought
it was most fitting that the advocates in their Annual Con-
gress should find a place among the many visitors who were
welcomed to their city during this significant season.
Dr. B. P. Trueblood, who represented the foreign dele-
gates, said that as a representative of the great Bepublic
across the water, he wished to express their profound appre-
ciation of the large and generous expression of sympathy in
the great daily newspapers — not only in Glasgow, but in other
parts of the United Kingdom — at the great calamity which
had befallen it. These expressions were the truest, the most
genuine expressions of common humanity ; and after all it
was upon this large generosity of heart more than upon any-
thing they did themselves that their cause rested. (Applause.)
The Rev. Principal Hutton said that they did not despair
of Peace among the nations; he thought they could see
Providence leading the nations upon lines of Peace. Even
now the nations were afraid of one another, so that even the
tremendous armaments had the significance of Peace. He
believed that in former days the Peace Congresses made
certain missionary visits to persons who had the reins of
influence to lay before them their views, and to urge upon
them the interests of peace. He did not know whether their
esteemed friends of the Executive had been doing that in any
special way, but he hoped that if the Government or leading
politicians heard of what they had been saying they would
send a deputation — a missionary deputation— to their good
old friend Mr. Kruger, and try to help him to a better inter-
pretation of his Old Testament passages, and urge upon him
what he could do as an individual to bring about peace.
(Applause.)
Mr. John Wilson proposed a vote of thanks to the
Corporation, and the Lord Provost briefly replied.
A selection of music was afterwards given by the Glasgow
Glee Party in the Banqueting Hall.
SECOND SESSION.
Wednesday Morning, September 11th, 1901.
The sittings of the Tenth Universal Peace Congress were
resumed in St. Andrew's (Berkeley) Hall, at ten oclock. Dr.
Spenee Watson presided.
Annual Eeport.
M. Novioow (Odessa), Chairman and Eapporteur of Com-
mission A, the Commission on Actualities, proposed the
adoption of the Eeport of the International Peace Bureau on
the events of the year, which had been referred to that
Commission at the previous sitting.
The text of the Eeport, which was read in English by
Mr. Adolphe Smith, was as follows : —
Eeport on Events of the Year.
At the opening session of each Universal Peace Congress there is
read a report from our Bureau on the events of the year which have
affected peace or war, and which are of a kind likely to interest directly
the Peace Movement. This report is remitted to Commission A (on
political actualities), which examines it, and presents to the Congress the
propositions which it considers advisable on the points set forth. The
conclusions of the Commission form a basis for the deliberations of
the Congress. This method of procedure not having encountered any
opposition in the Congresses during the seven or eight years during
which it has been employed, we shall in the present report fulfil the
task which falls to us yearly, recalling that we make no pretence of
exhausting the subjects any more than of imposing our own point of view,
but that our more modest r61e is limited to indicating the gravest ques-
tions for the attention of the Congress.
The first which presents itself, contrary to all expectations of last
year, is that of the war between the English and the Boers in South
( 41 )
Africa, At the Universal Peace Congress in Paris in October, 1900, no
one thought that this terrible war would figure again on the list of the
preoccupations of the civilised world. Public opinion was already
completely turned towards a pacific solution by means of a direct
understanding between the two nations in question, or of an offer of
good offices on the part of Neutral Powers. This solution appeared so
much the more natural in that it conformed to the procedure recom-
mended by the Hague Conference, and that the moral and material
interests of the two parties imperatively dictated the cessation of
hostilities.
Also, initiatives for mediation were numerous and urgent on the part
of the Peace groups of all countries, to say nothing of the steps taken
by influential personages, before and during the visit of Mr. Eruger to
Europe. No effort has been spared, but this great movement of
humanity has been frustrated up to the present by the obstinacy of the
English Ministry, which has been willing to listen neither to the voice
of sentiment nor the threats of an interminable conflict.
The death of Queen Victoria, which occurred after the date of our
last report, did not exercise any influence on the march of these pitiable
events, which, for their part, appear to have shortened the life of the
Sovereign. Steps in favour of peace were taken on the occasion of
the accession of King Edward VII. to the throne, but they have been
hitherto without result, or, at least, it is to be feared that the words
of conciliation have only reached the royal ear across the subtleties of
persons interested in stopping their passage.
These successive failures must not, however, discourage the friends
of Peace by way of Justice. We should only rest when the labour is
accomplished and the task achieved.
In October, 1900, the delegates of the Peace Societies assembled in
Paris issued a warm appeal to all nations, begging Peace-workers to
spread it by means of the press, posters, petitions, public meetings,
lectures, etc., and by using all the means that they thought efficacious,
in a new and larger effort with a view to a prompt solution of the Anglo-
Boer conflict by the recognition of the right of nations to dispose fireely
of themselves. The Congress of 1901 will doubtless find it timely to
confirm this appeal in terms such as the present situation suggests.
The violent complicationa produced in China after the revolt of the
Boxers have resulted in the conclusion of a treaty, the first consequence
of which has been to afford the European, American, and Japanese
Allies the occasion of retiring quietly from an enterprise into which they
had entered without having sufficiently prepared for the issue.
The opinions expressed by the Peace Congress of last year have still
an important bearing on the Chinese conflict, for if the Allied Powers
have this time guaranteed up to a certain point the life and property of
their subjects established in China, while respecting in some measure
the integrity of China, this guarantee is precarious, resting as it does
( 42 )
only on the use of force, instead of on the precise and recognised rules
of international justice. There is much to be accomplished still in this
respect in the Far East, and the friends of Peace will have only too
many occasions to recall the principles they have proclaimed, with good
right, in their resolutions concerning Colonial policy.
During the past year the sad position of the Armenian population
has not been improved. The European Governments have made no
collective efforts to put an end to the cruelties systematically conimitted
against this unfortunate nation. The Government of the French Ke-
public has, however, by diplomatic intervention, stopped a projected
massacre at A'intab, in December, 1900. Acts of unheard-of violence
have been reported in nearly all the villages inhabited by Armenian
families — at Spaghan, in July, 1900; at the Convent of £or, near Bitlis,
in September ; at Moush, in December, and more recently still in other
localities. On the other hand, the question of the repatriation of 40,000
Armenian refugees is not settled, and new expulsions, en masae, are the
order of the day.
The European Powers would render a great service to humanity if,
conformably with the invitation addressed to them by the Ninth Universal
Peace Congress, they took the proper measures to impose upon the Turkish
Government a rational and radical solution of the Armenian question.
The political horizon of the states of Central America and of southern
North America is overclouded, and already hostilities have commenced
between the Bepublic of Venezuela and Colombia. Military insurrections
have constantly occurred, designed by generals seeking in the neighbour-
ing country a standpoint for their ambitious designs, and troubling
relations of good neighbourliness for the profit of personal interest.
On several occasions conflicts of this kind have been settled by
amicable intervention, and the recourse to arbitration has put an end to
litigations which were based only on the lack of a sufficient knowledge
of the facts. We have numerous proofs of the fa,ct that when the
differences have been the subject of an impartial study whose results
have been brought to the knowledge of the parties before they were too
far advanced, an understanding is usually arrived at ; but it is not always
easy to find in time experts or mediators carrying the necessary authority.
We think it our duty also to recall generally and with reference to all
conflicts the fact that the Ninth Congress recognised as fully demonstrated
**the necessity of making impartial and complete inquiries as to the
facts relating to international differences by persons qualified by their
experience, character, and independence of spirit, in cases where the
Governments shall not already have had recourse to this means.*' This
question should not be dropped from the programme of our Congresses
until the projected institution has entered upon its functions.
Taken together, the events of the passing year would present a very
sombre picture to the eyes of the fiiends of Peace if they wished to
regard the facts without connecting them with their causes, and above
i
( 48 )
all, their probable consequences. The military crises which we have
witnessed during the last three years are, without doubt, distressing ;
but the horror more and more inspired by the continuance of massacres
in South Africa, in the Philippines, and in the Far East will perhaps
become one of the most powerful auiiliaries of the propaganda for the
pacific solution of international differences. Numerous are those who
acclaimed, by habit and without reflection, the preparations for the war,
but who know now what are the material and moral consequences of
every appeal to arms, with its uncertainties, its threat of ruin, its perils
for civilisation, and its bloody realities. "
It is impossible that this impression should not fill men's minds with
a horror of what is happening. And, in fact, never were aspirations
towards peace and security more general or more ardent among the
masses than they are to-day.
These aspirations, which brave the tempests of warfare, have before
them, too, the beacon of The Hague Convention for the pacific regulation
of international cUfferencea, The light of this beacon is still obscured
by the mists of the past, but the future will see it break forth for the
benefit of the world. All that is needed is that States should become
accustomed to use this powerful element of concord every time that an
appeal to arbitration becomes necessary.
War stands condemned by its own excesses. We pass indifferently
by a chimney a-fire ; but when an entire street is in flames we return
from the melancholy spectacle firmly intending to take all conceivable
precautions against a fire in one's own house. Warfare, as it is actually
carried on, is a conflagration whose vicissitudes we cannot follow without
suffering the same sensation. Our generation finds itself on the thres-
hold of a new era, which cannot free itself by a simple stroke from the
evil heritage of its forerunner ; but what the people dimly perceive as a
star trembling on the horizon is a planet of the first magnitude, which
will necessarily mount to the zenith in its own time.
It is with this steadfast conviction that we conclude the present
report, offering you, dear colleagues, our cordial salutations.
In the name of the Permanent International Peace Bureau,
Elie Ducommun.
The Eeport was adopted.
( 44 )
The Armenian Question.
M. Novicow (Odessa, Eussia), as reporter of Conrmission A,
submitted a report on the state of affairs in Armenia. The
report requested that the Congress should pass a resolution
asking the Governments who were guarantors to the Treaty
of Berlin to make a collective effort to put an end to the
cruelties systematically committed upon the unfortunate
Christian nation of Armenia, and that a petition should be
presented to the various Governments who had signed the
Treaty of Berlin, so that they might call together an official
conference to bring about the solution of the Armenian
question by the application of the project of reform elaborated
in May, 1895, by the Governments of Great Britain, France,
and Russia, and ratified by the Sultan himself. In support-
ing the resolution, he observed that the mistrust of the
Powers, one towards the other, had proved very disastrous
to the welfare of the Christian populations in the East.
(Applause.) Every nation seemed to think that the moment
the Turkish question came forward every other nation was
going to grab a portion of the Turkish Empire. When the
Armenian massacres took place it was the duty of Eussia to
have advanced and prevented the massacres. He moved that :
[ENGLISH.]
The Tenth Universal Peace Congress^ assembled at Glasgow in
September f 1901,
Having taken note of the Beport of the International Permanent
Peace Bureau^ of a memoir on the present condition of the Armenians
i/n Turkey, presented by Mr, H, AraheUan, Armenian publicisty and of
a letter of the Peace Societies of the United States of America ;
Considering that the sad situation of the Armenian population is
in no way improved, that the ma^ssacres and the atrocities continue in
Armenia, that the Governments which a/re the signatories of the Treaty
of Berlin have not made any collective effort to put an end to the
cruelties systematically committed upon this unhappy Christian
population ;
Decides :
To add/ress a request to the signatories of the BerUn Treaty with a
view to the calling of an official Conference for the solution of the
( 45 )
Armenia/n Question by the application of the scheme of reforms
elaborated in May, 1895, by the British, French, and Bussia/n Govern-
ments, and ratified by the Sultan himself
[FRENCH.]
Le ddxieme Congrds universel de la Paix, reuni a Glasgow en
Septembre, 1901,
Apres avoir pris connaissance d/u, rapport du Bureau i/ntemational
permanent de la Paix, d'un m^moire sur Vetat actuel des Armeniens en
Turquie, presents par M. JET. Arahelian, publiciste a/nnewien, et d'une
lettre des Sodetes de la Paix des Etats-Unis d'Am^erigue;
Considerant que la triste situation de la population arm^nienne ne
s*est point am^lioree, que les m^a^ssacres et les atrocites continuent
en Armenie, que les Gouvemements signatadres du tradte de Berlin
n*ont tente cmcun effort collectif pour mettre un terms omx cruautes
systemutiquement commises envers cette malheureuse population
ch/retienne ;
Decide :
D^adresser une requete aux Etats signataires du traite de Berlin,
afin de reunir une conference officielle pour la solution de la question
a/nnenienne par Vapplication du projet de reform^s elabore, en
mxii 1895, par les Gouvemements Anglais, Frangais et Busse, et ratifie
m>ime par le Sultan,
The discussion was opened by Mr. Joseph Sturge (Bir-
mingham), who said that, while yielding to no one in his
sympathy for the miseries of the Armenians, and while
thinking that something should be done to meet the evils of
Turkish mis-government, objected to the resolution because
it might lead to the necessity for the use of armed force. He
pointed out that the Congress met for the purpose of making
efforts in the direction of permanent and universal Peace, and
if Britain, France, and Bussia insisted on Turkey accepting
the projects referred to in the resolution, it would lead to war.
He moved, as an amendment, ^^ That the Congress proceed
to the next business."
Eev. W. J. Spriggs Smith (Wisbech), in seconding the
amendment, said he felt that Mr. Sturge had taken the right
course. If they passed such a resolution as had been sub-
mitted, they might pass another in reference to the treatment
of the Jews by the Eussian Government, or to the action of
our own Government in regard to the Transvaal, or in
( 46 )
reference to the Semitic question in France. He felt that
such a resolution was opposed to the principles which they
were there to maintain.
Mr. H. Arak^lian (Tiflis, representing the Armenian
friends of Peace in Persia) expressed surprise that the
resolution should meet with opposition. They sympathised
with the persecuted Jew, the Boer, and the Irishman, but
the position of the Jew and the Irishman did not constitute
an international question. There had been no international
agreement as to the sort of government that should be meted
out to the population of Ireland, or to the Jewish population
of Eussia, but there had been a treaty signed by the leading
Powers of Europe in regard to Armenia. The Russians did
not kill the Jews, and the British did not kill the Irish.
(Applause.)
Miss Geragosian, as an Armenian, expressed, on behalf
of her nation, the opinion that the resolution should insist
on the use of moral force. That would be far better than
armed force, which would mean a wholesale massacre in
the East.
Professor Quidde remarked that objections of different
orders had been made. One series of objections was based
on the argument that there were other peoples that likewise
suJBfered from oppression. That was true, but the Armenian
people were the only people who had been made the subject
of international treaty. The other questions were national ;
this was international. Therefore it came within the province
of an international Congress to determine. The other objec-
tion was that it might provoke war. This applied to every
question. All their questions had a tendency to provoke
war; and they were here precisely because they had such a
tendency. The thing was to find a way by which such war
might be avoided. However, as there had been some diffi-
culty in this matter, and as a word here and there might
convey some meaning that was not intended, he proposed
that the resolution should be translated and printed, and
that then the vote should be taken ; and that therefore they
adjourn the vote till the resolution was translated and
printed.
( 47 )
Dr. Darby : If we adopt that course with every subject
we shall have to stop here till next year. It would be well,
therefore, to have this subject settled to-day. We have a long
programme, and we shall get through it only if we complete
each discussion as it arises.
Miss E. Bobinson: I propose the discussion now close,
and that the vote be taken.
The Chairman: Is there a seconder? The President of
Commission seconds the resolution in favour of closure. I
think there is nothing more to be said with advantage to the
Congress.
The closure was adopted, and on a further division the
resolution was carried by a large majority.
An International Auxiliary Languagb.
M. BuYssEN, in the name of Commission C — the Com-
mission on Propaganda — submitted a report on this question.
He said that at the Hamburg Congress in 1897 this question
was brought forward, and a proposal was made in favour of
Latin, or some newly-compounded language; but the Congress
decided that it was not competent to express an opinion on
the subject, that it approved the general idea, but that the
choice must be left to a body of experts. Such a body had
been constituted in the interval. At Paris last year the
delegates at various Congresses, held during the Exhibition,
took upon themselves the initiative, organised themselves,
met and discussed how an international language could be
established, and elaborated the following programme : —
I. It is desirable to choose and extend the use of an auxiliary inter-
national language, intended not to replace the national idioms in the
habitual life of each people, but to assist in written and oral relations
between persons of different mother tongues.
II. An international language in order usefully to accomplish its
purpose should satisfy the following conditions :
(1) It should be capable of serving in the habitual relations of
social life, in commercial correspondence, and in scientific and
philosophical statements ;
(2) It should be easy of acquisition by everyone of fair elementary
education, and especially by persons of European civilisation ;
(8) It should not be one of the national languages.
( 48 )
III. It would be well to organise a general delegation, representing
those persons who apprehend the need as well as the possibility of an
auxiliary language, and who are interested in its use. This delegation
would appoint a Committee composed of members able to meet together
for a certain length of time. The duty of this Committee would be as
follows :
lY. The choice of an auxiliary language would belong at the outset
to the International Association of Academies ; then, in case of failure,
to the Committee provided for in Article III.
y. Consequently, the Committee would have as its first duty the
presentation, in the requisite forms, to the International Association of
Academies, the views expressed by the adherent Societies and Congresses,
and respectfully to invite it to carry into effect the project of an inter-
national language.
Thus a Committee came into being, and this Committee
invited all persons interested to join it. The Peace Party, as
represented by the International Bureau at Berne, delegated
M. Gaston Moch to that Committee. It had since reported
that a primary requisite was that such idioms should be
chosen as could be most easily understood by various nations ;
that no attempt should be made to supplant any existing
language, but that a simple language outside all others
should be formed — just as there are international figures for
music and mathematics — based on what would be most
suitable for commercial and scientific intercourse, and such
as could be easily acquired, especially by Europeans. The
Committee felt itself lacking in power to carry this idea out ;
but the International Congress of Academies, and the Inter-
national Federation of Academies of Science and Literature,
formed as a result of it, would have that power. To this
Federation, therefore, the scheme of the Committee would
be referred. All that was proposed, on the present occasion,
was to approve the principle, and afterwards to appoint tveo
delegates for each nationality to the Committee. In doing
this, the greatest care should be taken to elect persons com-
petent by reason of special knowledge of the science of
language, and not simply persons who in a general way had
become interested in the question. (Hear, hear.)
The Committee of Propaganda proposed the following
resolution : —
( 49 )
[ENGLISH.]
The Congress declares that it adheres to the general pri/ncvples
contained in the Declarations of the Delegation for the adoption of a/n
auxiliary international langtMige. The Congress invites the Delegates
present to meet without delay in kmgtuige-groups, and to nominate two
Delegates for each language, whose nam^es shall be submitted for the
approbation of the Congress,
[FRENCH.]
Le Congres declare quHl adhhre a/ux prvncipes generaux enonces
da/ns la declaration de la Delegation pour Vadoption d^v/ne langue
auxiliaire vntemationale. Le Congres invite les delegues presents a se
reunir sans retard par langues et a designer deux delegues de chaque
langue^ dont les noms seront soumis a V approbation du Congres,
I^r. W. P. Byles (Bradford) said he thought this was a
proposal of an absolutely unpractical nature. (Hear, hear.)
When they could not even get an international coinage or
international weights and measures, for that Congress to
rebuild the Tower of Babel was a hopeless and Utopian idea.
However much disturbed or confused they might be by the
inconveniences of bi-lingual discussion, they should not be
led away, even by their respect for those who have this dream
and have brought their scheme forward with so much ability.
The prime motive and aim of that Congress and the Peace
Societies — the furtherance of Arbitration and the maintenance
of the new Tribunal — were eminently practical ; and if they
talked of those things they would get more sympathy from
the outside world, which at present believed that that room
was occupied by cranks. (Laughter.) He was sorry any
of their discussions should lend colour to that erroneous
opinion.
I^. Gaston Moch said it was certain that they were all
Utopians, and the idea of obtaining universal peace by
arbitration was just as much Utopian as that of an inter-
national language. ('' No.'') It would be better to speak of
an auxiliary than of an international language. It was not
proposed to substitute a new for existing languages, but to
provide an extra tool for those who wish to utilise it. He had
studied forty different systems of such a language, and he
could say without prejudice — for he was not concerned in its
( 60 )
invention — that the best was "Esperanto." The Congress
interested itself in many other questions than that of
arbitration; for instance, it had aided in the institution
of correspondence between scholars of different nations.
Personally he could understand half-a-dozen languages, but
he could testify from his own knowledge that ** Esperanto "
had been of service. From Sweden he had recently received,
from an individual he had never heard of, a letter asking him
his views on a public subject, and in reply he wrote a little
article in " Esperanto," which duly appeared in the Swedish
press — though under another man's signature ! The
Grammar could be explained in a quarter of an hour ; the
language could be learned in a week's study; and it is
already being turned to practical use in different parts of
Europe. Anything that could bring the peoples together was
work in favour of peace. (Cheers.)
Don Abtubo de Mabgoabtu thought that was an important
question for an assembly of men of letters ; but he agreed
with Mr. Byles that it was not practical for that Congress.
If they attempted to deal with such questions they would
never get to the real business of the Congress.
M. FBi:D^Bio Passt said what was proposed was not the
adoption of a substitute for international language, but
the facilitation of international communications. Of course,
uniform money and weights and measures were among the
most important items in the propaganda of Peace Societies ;
and it was quite within their province to support every
movement to render international intercourse more easy and
profitable. But last year something more significant and
wonderful occurred — the federation of universities through-
out the world. To such an organisation the solution of the
problem of an auxiliary language could be transferred, but
the Congress could appoint the delegates asked for, and this
might become one of the best means of furthering their
cause.
Mrs. Mead said it seemed to her that, however desirable
the object of the proposition might be — and she could well
believe it was so — it was perfectly useless for them to take
any step in the matter. The value of any man's judgment
( 61 )
was measured by his sense of proportion and emphasis, and
the respect which the Peace Society had secured was largely
due to the sense of proportion it had shown. While this was
an important question for some people, it was not for them
at that time. She hoped, therefore, that no more precious
time would be wasted.
On the motion of Mr. T. P. Newman, the question was
then put, and Mr. Moscheles having reminded the delegates of
the necessity of showing their variously coloured voting cards,
and M. Arnaud having announced that no delegate could give
more than ten votes, M. Buyssen's proposition was carried by
a large majority, and at 12.80 the Congress adjourned.
B 2
THIRD SESSION.
Wbdnbsday Aftbrnoon, Sbptembbb 11th, 1901.
The Congress reassembled at 2 o'clock. In the absence
of Dr. Spence Watson, Dr. Trueblood occupied the chair.
Closer Union of Sooieties,
Mr. Felix Mosohelbs brought up the following proposals
"for a closer union of Peace Societies (A) through the medium
of the Berne Bureau, (B) through direct communication be-
tween Societies themselves ** : —
"A. — The usefulness of the Berne Bureau could be further de-
veloped by: —
** (1) The more frequent publication in the Correapondance Bi-
mensuelle of information supplied by the Peace Societies concerning
themselves and their respective countries.
** (2) The publication in the Correspondance of proposals emanating
from Peace Societies, or of appeals for united action.
'^ (8) The publication, in connection with the Corre8ponda/nce, of a
separate leaflet, headed * Demand and Supply,' in which each Society
could, firstly, make known its wants, and secondly, offer to supply the
wants of other Societies. This would facilitate the exchange of books,
pamphlets, and generally of Peace literature, and would lead to the
foundation of Peace libraries in all centres. The leaflet could contain a
list of objects which members might wish to dispose of for the benefit
of their own or other Societies. It could make it known where, and on
what terms, lantern slides, or other appliances, to be utilised at Peace
lectures are to be obtained, and it could give the names of those who are
willing to lecture on subjects connected with the movement. The adop-
tion of the above suggestions would lead, in due time, to a farther
development of the paper issued in the interests of all Societies by the
Central Bureau representing them. The editor of the Correspondance
would retain full authority to decide whether the matter forwarded to
( 63 )
him should be published through the medium of his office, or whether it
would be more suitable for direct communication from one Society to
another.
*'B. — Systematic interchange of communications between the Peace
Societies themselves with the purpose of: —
" (1) Supplying useful or interesting information to supplement the
bare jbcts recorded in the Correaponda/nce.
** (2) Supplying further information on efforts made and successes
obtained, with a view to placing such information before the public of all
countries through the agency of their respective societies.
" (3) Exchanging regularly letters for publication in the journals of
Peace Societies.
** (4) Studying simultaneously those questions which are of common
interest.
" (5) Taking simultaneous action in matters of importance.
*' (6) Linking together the societies of one country by the holding of
occasional national meetings.
" (7) Holding periodically meetings of representatives of the various
groups in each city, foreign members being invited to join them when on
a visit to that city. (The first Thursday of each month has been adopted
for such meeting in London.)
** (8) Adopting a badge to be worn by all members of Peace Societies."
The Section Senonaise of the French Arbitration Society
had given notice to move : —
** The Congress is of opinion that the Peace Societies in each country
should undertake to group themselves into one Society, divided into pro-
vincial sections ; or at least should create among themselves a federal
bond, so as to regularise propaganda, to render their efforts more effective
by co-ordinating and localising them, and to facilitate the common action
of the friends of Peace in each country.*'
Having noted these proposals, Mr. Mosgheles moved, on
behalf of Commission C : —
[ENaLISH.J
The Congress is of opinion that it is one of the most pressing
d/uties of the Congress to form Committees with the object of organising
a closer union on the lines proposed in the papers submitted to the
Congress for that purpose by Mr. Felix Moscheles, Mr, Novicoff, Mr.
Gaston Moch, and the Section Senonadse, Such Com/mittees shall con-
sist of those na/medf with power to add to their numbers^ and shall
report to the next Congress.
[FRENCH.]
Le Congrhs est d*avis quHl est u/rgent de consUtuer un Comite charge
d^etud/ier la creation d'v/ne union phis etroite entre les Societes de la
( 64 )
Paix, d^aprks les plums proposes au Congrhs par M, Moseheles, Af .
Novikow, M. Oaston Moch et la Societe Senonaise. Ce Comite com-
prendra les auteurs des propositions soumises au Congrhs sur ce sujet
et les personnes quHl trouvera bon de s''adjoind/re» II rapportera au
prochain CongrSs,
He deprecated a detailed discussion of these suggestions.
Bules and regulations and questions of organisation must
be relegated a good deal more than hitherto to discussion
outside the Congress. The Berne Bureau had done admir-
able worky but it had only been utilised to a small extent.
Facts were published in the Correspondance Bimensuelley but
their number could be multiplied with advantage if the Peace
Societies acted much as Consulates act when they transmit
information to a central authority. Opportunities were lost,
as when a powerful anti-duelling agitation had been initiated
twelve months ago in Austria and Germany by Don Alfonso
de Bourbon, the brother of Don Carlos. If this movement
had been duly notified to the societies they might have
supported it and endorsed the proposed ** Formula of
Declaration." The fact that the Swedish Chamber had
voted a subvention of 750 crowns to the Berne Bureau would
appear in the Correspondance, but the Swedish Peace Society
might have sent a circular giving particulars as to the way
in which such important success was achieved. Information
of the kind might lead to similar attempts being made in
other countries, and would certainly be the means of
educating a wider circle in matters concerning the Peace
movement. The Peace Society had, by dint of persevering
efforts, succeeded in establishing a Peace Sunday in this
country. The facts and figures concerning those efforts and
their results could be embodied in a few paragraphs, which
would reach the public of all countries through the agency of
their respective Peace Societies, and which at the same time
would be an incentive and an assistance to those who would
wish to establish the ** Peace Sunday " in their own country.
It was difi&cult to bring the members and officers of various
societies together in occasional meetings, but an attempt had
been made in London, where a meeting, at which their
foreign friends were specially welcome, was held on the first
( 65 )
Thursday of each month. The greatest scope for improve-
menty he helieved, would be found in systematic interchange
of communications between the societies themselves, with the
object of (1) studying such questions simultaneously which
are of general interest, and (2) taking joint action in matters
of importance. The Congresses and " Peace Day " had
furnished abundant proof that joint study and action is
desirable. There we issued manifestoes or declarations, or
we voted resolutions, striking an average between the various
shades of opinion represented. What was done twice a year
should be done as the pressing occasion arose. What was
sufficient yesterday was insufficient to-day. Our work and
our successes Had come in driblets, excellent in themselves,
but only little isolated drops that were waiting to be collected
into a running stream. All honour to the pioneers, but we
must look to the young and the strong to carry on the work
begun ; and who was not young and strong when he was
inspired to combat the demon of destruction, of extermina-
tion — the demon of warfare ! (Cheers.)
Dr. W. Evans Darby confessed to some little confusion of
thought. Were the societies to form national committees, or
was the Congress to form a committee to report to the Berne
Bureau? He understood Mr. Moscheles to say that he
wished a committee to be appointed without discussion, and
it should not be left to the societies to say whether they should
do anything or not. But it should be pointed out that the
Congress could not legislate for the societies — it was only a
deliberative gathering, and had no legislative authority.
Mr. T. P. Newman suggested that Mr. Moscheles had
given a great deal of thought and care to the elaboration of
these practical proposals, and expressed the hope that proper
steps would be taken to bring them before the societies.
Dr. Dabby : Any proposal should come as a recommenda-
tion to the societies — I think we shall all approve of that. I
endorse, too, what Mr. Newman has said — that the executives
of the various societies should be asked to take the suggestions
into consideration. (Hear, hear.)
Mr. Moscheles: To leave the executives of the various
societies to take the suggestions into consideration would
( 66 )
simply mean the shelving of my proposals. The resolution
is to the efifect that the Congress not only recommends, but
urges, "as one of the most pressing duties/' the formation
of committees for the study of the points enumerated. There
is no question of asking the Congress to " legislate *' for the
societies. It is asked to recognise that, for want of concerted
action, much good work has been neglected, and many an
excellent resolution has remained a dead letter, and that
means must be devised to remedy the evil. It is not a
question of what should be done, but of what should be
studied. If the Congress has not authority to secure that
much, it has not any at all. Any of the societies would be
justified in not acting upon these proposals; but the Congress
would not, I think, be justified in refusing to send the re-
commendations to them.
M. Emilb Arnaud wished first to correct the impression
he imagined had gained ground that a large sum of money
had been sent from Sweden to the Berne Bureau. It was an
annual subvention of 700 crowns. That was not sufficient to
meet current expenses, and more subscriptions were wanted.
If the Congress adopted the motion now before it, that would
increase the expenses of the Bureau, and make the need for
subscriptions more urgent. One organization, already ap-
proved in principle by previous Assemblies, and of capital
importance, was that of a Peace Press Agency. It had been
calculated that d£800 would be necessary to create it, and to
ensure its activity ; till now only £160 had been offered for
that purpose. The Congress should not be committed to
propositions it had not examined. He thought, therefore,
that the resolution should be given an impersonal character,
and a form leaving the largest liberty to the Societies. He
proposed a new text to the resolution — namely, that after the
name of Mr. Moscheles, M. Novicow, and the Senonaise
Section, it should read :
" This Congress is of opinion that, as soon as possible, Committees
should be constituted in each country to study the means of making the
bonds between the Peace Societies closer and their efforts more effi-
cacious, these Committees to report on their labours to the Inter-
national Peace Bureau at Berne, which in turn shall report to the next
Congress.*'
( 67 )
M. Passt said no one entertained the idea of ordering
the Societies to do anything. He thought the Congress
might invite them to study these proposals, the Societies still
preserving to the full their local independence.
Mr. W. P. Bylbs heartily supported the motion. He was
afraid the Congress might be tempted to go too much into
matters of detail ; but he believed they should do more than
hitherto to present themselves to the world as an organic
whole. (Hear, hear.) The Chairman had said that no one
need hang his head because he was a friend of Peace. He
(Mr. Byles) believed the friends of Peace were a much bigger
body than was generally supposed by the outside world ; and
he thought their object in that Congress should be to make
themselves appear as big as they really were, instead of
allowing themselves to be continually brushed aside as
negligeable quantities. He believed they would convert the
world — and soon — but they should be more united. In re-
gard to the English Societies, he had always regretted that
there should be four or five central bodies instead of one.
Three or four of them had newspapers of their own. Why
should there not be one only, expressing the principles of
Peace, which should speak in the name of them all ? As long
as they were divided they would be weaker than might be.
He would like to see the three chief Societies united, at any
rate, as far as regards a common organ. The last of Mr.
Moscheles' proposals related to a Peace badge. Men who
wore badges were either ashamed of them or proud of not
being ashamed ; they lead to ostentatious parade or formalism.
But he strongly supported the general proposals.
Mr. Edwin D. Mead (Boston, U.S.A.) said he was heartily
in sympathy with the proposals, which he regarded as so
important that he wished to make a suggestion in order to
obviate some objections. The resolution, as it was brought
forward, seemed to make the Congress a legislative body. At
the same time it would be a pity to lose the efforts of the
gentlemen who had given so much devoted thought to the
subject. He suggested that the motion should open —
'* The Congress urges that a Committee shall be formed for the
purpose of studying and outlining a plan for the closer union of all Peace
Societies,'*
( 68 )
closing with the nomination of those who had reported, and
the request that they should report to the next Congress.
Mr. MoscHELES pointed out that, until the proposals of
M. Novieow, M. Moch, and the Section Senonaise had been
reported and discussed, he alone was virtually instructed to
organize the formation of Committees, but he agreed to a
vote being taken on those lines. He wished the Congress to
guard against passing resolutions that came to nothing.
M. Arnaud's proposal haying been rejected by 96 against
78 votes, and Mr. Mead having then withdrawn his amend-
ment, the original motion was carried by 114 votes against 4.
Christianity and War.
Miss Ellen Bobinson, for the Society of Friends, moved :
[ENGLISH.]
Seeing that Christicm ethics forbid all hatred^ violence^ a/nd in-
justice between mam, amd mam, amd enjoin brotherhood, sympathy, ct/nd
love, this Congress is of opinion that persistent efforts should be made to
bring home these truths to rulers and citizens professing the Christicun
religion, in order to convince them that war and militarism a/re ahso-
lutely opposed to the teaching and spirit of Christ, It calls upon
Christia/n m/inisters a/nd workers to aid in these efforts,
[FRENCH.]
Considera/nt que la morale chretienne defend toute ha/ine, violence et
injustice entre les hom/mes, et qu'elle enjoint lafratemite, la sympathie
et Vamour,
Le Congrhs emet Vopinion quHl fa/at faire des efforts persistants
pour convadncre de ces verites les Oouvemements et les citoyens qui font
profession de la religion chretienne, afin quHl soient conva4/ncus que la
guerre et le rwilitarisms sont absolumwnt contr aires a V essence de
Venseignement du Christ,
Le Congres fait appel pour cette tdche a Vappui de tous les ministres
et ed/ucateurs Chretiens,
She said that, in order to anticipate opposition or amend-
ment, the motion — which on the notice paper had opened :
'^ Seeing that the Governments of almost all European and
American States profess to base their rule on Christian
ethics'* — had been altered so as to eliminate the references to
State professions of Christianity. She would also point out
that they were not seeking to affirm the truth or otherwise of
^
( 69 )
the Christian religion, but what they wished to bring before
the Congress was this, that the Christian religion did teach
love toward their fellow-men, that it was contrary to war and
militarism, and that it was the duty of all workers for Peace
to press that fact on teachers of the Christian religion. If
she were dealing with a drunken Mohammedan population,
she would feel herself justified in pointing out to them that
their prophet Mahomet forbade strong drink, even though she
was not herself a follower of Mahomet. In that spirit she
appealed to some of their friends, who were not at one with
them, to realize and to join in pointing out to professing
Christians that their Lord and Teacher spoke clearly against
war and violence, and had absolutely enjoined a course of
conduct which was utterly contrary to that followed by
Christian nations at the present time. The great importance
of this matter had been seen in England during the last year
or two, when the Christian Churches, instead of ranging
themselves on the side of Arbitration and other means to
Peace, had rather upheld the war in South Africa, and this
fact had brought the question very strongly home to them.
If Christians profess to follow Christ, they should follow
Him ; if they profess to obey Him, they ought to obey Him.
(Applause.) One cause of this lapse was that the teaching of
Christ on war had not been sufficiently studied. Tolstoy had
given it special study, and they should do so. Even some
non- Christians — Mr. Herbert Spencer, for example — were
strong in pointing out that the New Testament does enjoin
the doctrine of love, and that Christians are grossly incon-
sistent in trying to uphold the religion of love and of hate at
the same time. Christ summed up all the moral command-
ments in that one great commandment — " Thou shalt love
thy neighbour as thyself.'* Love was no vague sentiment.
There was a very plain definition of Love, — " Love worketh
no ill to her neighbour." (Cheers.) How was it possible to
follow the great commandment of loving our neighbour — who
might be a stranger — and yet carry out such fearful deeds as
had been brought to their knowledge during the last year or
two ? This contradiction had been brought so closely home
to them that they could not but wish to bring it home to the
( 60 )
mass of professing Christians. If they had the great Catholic,
and Greek, and Protestant bodies enlisted on their side the
Peace question would be settled — they would have won the
battle. She believed this want of study of the teaching of
Christ lay at the bottom of the national backsliding. The
Churches had put rites and ceremonies in place of simple
obedience. The Congress, whether consisting of Christians
or not, ought to express the opinion that the teaching of
Christ emphatically condemns the whole evil system of
abominable war— (applause) — and even plainly recommends
the principle of Arbitration, and it ought especially to call
upon all ministers of religion and teachers of the young to
study this question again, in the light of His teachings, and
to show them that whatever reasons they might have for war,
there was not a shadow of excuse for it in the Christian
religion. (Applause.)
M. Gaston Moch said he much regretted to have to com-
bat the proposition, but he must do so with great energy.
The modification had certainly improved it. He could never
have participated in a statement that the chief governments
base their action on Christian morals. He was a citizen of a
country that had not a Christian government — ^the French
State was completely secular ; and many of them, like him-
self, were freethinkers. There remained in the motion an
invocation of Christianity. It presumed that they had a
right to complain of Christians not carrying out their prin-
ciples, even though they were not themselves Christians. He
had no right to go to a priest and tell him he did not know
his own business. What would they say if the position were
reversed, and a resolution were presented by a body, which
held a purely scientific morality, asking that the principles of
scientific morality should be more consistently followed ? It
was true that in that Congress there might be a majority of
professed believers in the Christian religion, but if they pro-
fited by that majority to pass a resolution of a Christian
character, the next time the Congress met there might be a
majority of freethinkers who would be at liberty to use their
majority to pass a secular and anti-religious resolution.
They were told that the Christian religion was beautiful, and
\
( 61 )
strongly against war. Tolstoy could not be cited as an
example of the Christian religion. He had been excom-
municated by the Christian Church. They were invited as
Christians to be excommunicated along with him from the
Christian Church. That seemed inconsistent. He admired
the ethical teachings of Christ, but the ethical teachings put
forward by Christ were taught years before Christ came into
the world. The Buddhists have carried out the principle of
Peace by refusing to fight, and the " golden rule " was a
maxim of Confucius five hundred years before Christ. The
Chinese people, in fact, had carried out the teachings of
Confucius in that respect so effectively that they hate mili-
tarism, despise soldiers, and have forgotten how to fight. If
they had to choose one of these ethical systems it was,
therefore, a question to which religion they should go— the
Christian, the Chinese, or the Buddhist. If the Peace
Societies were to continue to work harmoniously together
there must be no attempt to '^ tar them all with the same
brush,'' and they must remain absolutely neutral in religious
matters.
M. Novicow, as a Eussian, a compatriot of Tolstoy, and
as a freethinker who could not accept Christianity as at pre-
sent defined, heartily supported the resolution. He welcomed
the aid of the Buddhists, and if the Buddhists were the
friends of Peace, let them by all means profit by the Buddhist
teaching. But he equally welcomed Christianity, if it was
equally in favour of Peace. Christianity was undoubtedly a
great power, whether they liked it or not ; and it exercised
at the present moment a great influence. If the sentiment
of Peace and morality of the Christian people could be of use
to them, let them have its help. If their principles were said
to emanate from a God, let them use the help of that God as
well as of any other God. As there were such fine principles
taught in Christianity let them use those principles in sup-
port of the cause of Peace. They had appealed to the Pope,
and why should they not equally appeal to other forms of the
Christian religion ?
The Abbe Pichot thought there must be some misunder-
standing as to the ideas of those who brought forward the
( 62 )
resolution. It must be perfectly evident that no one expected
or desired that such a Congress as that should make any sort
of profession of faith. There was no question of declaring
either belief or disbelief in Christian doctrine. They threw
open their doors to all kinds of adherents.
The Eev. Olaus Eellebman (Cette) said that if they were
in a Buddhist country they would certainly quote in support
of their cause the sublime doctrines of the Lord Buddha ; if
they were in China they would quote the maxims of Con-
fucius, and as they were in a Christian country, they were
justified in quoting the teachings of Christ. Catholics and
Protestants equally insist on those passages in that teaching
which set forth the ideal of Peace. (Hear, hear.)
Professor Quidde (Munich) said that, while himself a free-
thinker, and in favour of the secular state, he did not. agree
with M. Moch. Most of the Governments in Europe pretend
to be Christian, and therefore it was a good thing to be able
to point out to them how inconsistent they were. If on their
part Christians found freethinkers acting inconsistently with
their professed principles, they would be justified in pointing
this out and criticising them.
M. Emile Abnaud said that there were some of the
countries represented at The Hague Conference to whom they
could not appeal to act in accordance with Christian teaching.
Yet they should appeal to all peoples. He accepted the* prin-
ciple of Miss Bobinson's motion, however. At the same
time, while every effort was being made to move the Christian
Churches, they must remember that by far the larger part of
humanity was outside the pale of Christianity. Morality was
based on the autonomy of the human person, on respect for
life. It condemns individual assassination, and, therefore,
collective assassination. On this ground appeal should be
made to all Governments, all teachers, all peoples. Having
adopted Miss Bobinson's motion, they should go on to appeal
to the wider audience in the name of those universal moral
principles which are one and the same throughout the world.
Such a larger appeal might commence, '^ Considering that
morality is one and universal,'' and then continue after the
manner of Miss Bobinson's motion, modifying its wording to
( 63 )
reach peoples of every country, race, and belief. He moved
the following resolution : —
[ENGLISH.]
Considering that morality is one a/nd universal^ a/nd that it forbids
all hate, all violence, a/nd all injustice between man a/nd ma/n, amd that
it enjoins or comma/nds fraternity a/nd love, the Congress believes that
persistent efforts should be mude to induce Qovemments a/nd citizens of
all States to conform with the great moral law, a/nd therefore decla/re
themselves aga4>nst wa/r a/nd militarism; a/nd the Congress appeals to
all the educators of all countries, and all races, and aU beliefs,
[FRENCH.]
Considera/nt que la morale, qui est une et universelle, defend toute
hoA/ne, toute violence et toute injustice entre les hom/mes et qu'elle enjoint
lafratemite, la sympathie et Va/mov/r;
Le Congr^s estime quHl faut faire des efforts persistants pov/r que
la conduite des gouvemements et des dtoyens de tous les Etats soit
conforme d la morale et par sv/ite soit contra/ire a la guerre et a/u
miUta/risme,
Le Congr^sfaA,t appel, a cet effet, a tous les educateurs de touspa^s,
de touies races et de toutes croyamces.
Dr. Thomas (Baltimore, U.S.A.) was confident that no in-
tention existed of forcing the beliefs of those who brought
forward the motion upon anyone else. For himself he would
have no objection to such a resolution, addressed to believers
in a purely scientific morality, as M. Moch had suggested as
possible. But there was a special occasion for the present
motion. A great many professing Christians had forgotten
what were the essential elements of their religion — being
satisfied with creeds and outward ceremonies— and what they
wished to do was to make those professing Christians recon-
sider their ground. (Applause.)
The Eev. J. Spbiggs Smith (Wisbech) having briefly sup-
ported the motion,
A division was taken, when the motion was carried by
188 against 8 votes, and the proposition of M. Arnaud was
also adopted with only one dissenting vote.
The Congress adjourned at 6.80 p.m.
( 64 )
Wednesday Evening, September 11th, 1901.
Meeting at Paisley.
In the evening a public meeting was held in the Clark
Memorial Hall, Paisley, when there was a good attendance.
A reception was held by the Pjrovost and Magistrates prior
to the public meeting, and tea was served in the Minor Town
Hall. The Provost took the chair in the large hall at eight
o'clock, and he was accompanied by Rev. Principal Hutton,
Rev. John Paterson, Rev. Andrew Elder, ex-Provost Clark,
Treasurer Mathieson, Bailies Nicolson and McCallum, ex-
Bailie Fisher, Councillors Kent, Glover, and Baird, Messrs.
James Reith, John A. Brown, James Par lane, and a large
number of delegates to the Congress, comprising, as Dr.
Darby stated, representatives of almost all the nations of
Europe.
Letters of apology were intimated from Sir Thomas and
Lady Glen-Coats, Mr. Stewart Clark, Bailie Eadie, Councillor
Muir Mackean, Revs. Dr. Henderson, John Porteous, and
R. E. Glendening, Mr. Keir Hardie, M.P., and others. After
prayer by Rev. Principal Hutton,
The Provost said : We are lionoared to-night in having in our midst
delegates from the Peace Congress, which has been having a series of
meetings in Glasgow this week. In the name of the Magistrates and
Town Council, and I venture also to say, in the name of this meeting,
we give them a hearty welcome to Paisley. (Applause.) It is our
earnest hope that their meetings in Glasgow, this meeting here to-night,
and the powerful organisation of their Associations, may have a far-
reaching influence for good in promoting and advancing the great object
they have in view, and that is. Peace on earth and goodwill among the
nations — an object we have all so much at heart. (Cheers.) Since the
beginning of time there have been wars and i-umours of wars, but for
all that, we believe that the majority of mankind are at heart lovers of
Peace, and that millions hailed with gratitude the fair prospect of better
things as the result of the late conference at The Hague. These hopes,
so far, have not been realised. When we look at Europe armed to the
teeth, and year by year increasing her armaments ; when we look
further abroad and see the wakening of the nations which have so long
slept in barbarism, accompanied by the roar of cannon and the rattle of
the y, ar drum ; when we look at home and painfully realise that the
expenditure of our own country for offensive and defensive munitions of
DAVID WILSON, Eso.,
Provnel of Paisley.
( 65 )
war is going up by leaps and bounds, we almost despair of seeing the
white wings of the angel of Peace hovering over a distracted world.
(Cheers.) But whatever our hopes and fears may be, it is surely both
the duty and the interest of every right-hearted citizen of every country
to put forth every effort towards the great end which this Association has
in view. It was only the other day that our neighbouring city gave
hospitality to a Society whose objects are, in large measure, one with
that in whose interests we are now met — I refer to the International
Law Association. If the principles of Arbitration enunciated by that
Association, and so well spoken to by the Lord Chief Justice, and others
who contributed their views on that occasion, were adopted — as at the
opening of the twentieth century they surely ought to be — a vast stride
would then be made towards the solution of the problem which this
Society has set itself to solve. Then the time would be hastened when
** Man to man the world o'er would brithers be, an* a* that.'* (Cheers.)
The Provost called upon
Miss E. BoBiNSON, Liverpool, who said she wondered if the people
ever thought of the subject of war, for her opinion was that it was their
want of thought that was at the bottom of most of our wars. She could
not conceive what benefit could be gained from war. If they thought,
they would find that the benefit was the very smallest and infinitesimal
portion. The Peace Congress met to think out the question, and one
conclusion they had come to was ** that there was no such thing as a
right of conquest.*' Did they agree with them ? If there was no such
thing as a right of conquest, what benefit was there to either the
conquerors or the conquered ? If they looked back at the history of the
world, they would find that the conquering nations had invariably crumbled
to pieces. Conquest must needs involve eventual financial ruin, and a
military nation could not be a free nation by any possibility — (hear, hear)
— and besides that, when they had financial ruin and loss of liberty, the
nation got morally weaker and fell to pieces. A few people profited by
war, but what did the great mass get ? She did not know of anything.
Then, as regards the conquered nation^ Miss Bobinson said her opinion
was that every nation knew best how to govern itself, and there was no
nation in the world that understood the government of another country,
because they were not acquainted with the feelings, thoughts, and desires
of foreigners as they were of their own countrymen. (Applause.) If
war conferred no benefits, they saw the great misery it brought. Be-
cause of that she appealed to her hearers to think of the matter, and
give the Congress their support, thereby bringing about Peace and good-
will on earth, for which they spoke so much, and did so little.
Mr. E. D. Mead, Boston, U.S.A., next addressed the meeting. As
an American, he wished to confess his sense of shame at the part his
country was playing at the present time in the war against the Philippine
people. It was a disgrace to the United States, it was a disgrace to any
country, that it should be engaged in subjugating another people or
F
( 66 )
quenching their aspirations for independence. It was John Bright who
pointed out to the United States the. clear road to their prosperity, and
the clear means — which they had recklessly thrown away — by which they
could secure the disarmament of the world, and help to universal Peace.
The Americans had become kinsmen to the British in sin ; they bad become
a military nation, and their taxes were multiplying. They had sinned. Per-
haps it was the only way open to them in order that they might come out
in the larger relations to the world which now faced them, and be forced to
throw overboard, as they must, that old Munroe doctrine by which they
assumed that this world for political purposes was divided into two
hemispheres, and they saw now that the ocean to-day was not a barrier,
but a bridge. For political purposes, there were no such things as hemi-
spheres ; but there was a round world, and the United States had no
claims and no responsibilities towards Paraguay, Uruguay, or Venezuela
which she did not hold towards Holland, Greece, or Japan. That was
one lesson they had learned. The question of anarchy and the question
of war were, at the bottom, parts of the same thing. What was anarchy?
It was the froth, the reckless, foolish froth of the great waves of dis-
content which arose, born in some way out of social injustice, and the
distemper of men who could not see far, and whose minds were fired
through half understanding the wrongs which exist in this world. They
would see more anarchy in the world, and more froth upon the waves of
discontent if they did not remove from the world the causes of that
social discontent, which, in one form or another, was making itself
felt. (Cheers.) One great cause of that discontent was the excessive
burdens the people had to bear, and which came from the immense
expenditure for war and armaments in the world to-day. The time had
come when, if they did not expect to see a far greater discontent than
they had yet seen, they must make the people see that their hard-earned
money had been spent for constructive, and not destructive things. He
urged that ministers of religion had an important duty to discharge in
supporting this Peace movement, and condemned the idea, that he was
afraid was getting into the Anglo-Saxon mind, that we were a people
with a mission to control the world. That fallacy had been held by the
Chinese (who called themselves Celestials), the Jews of old, and the
Bomans. No people had a right to think of themselves as chosen and
exclusive. He believed that deep in the Anglo-Saxon heart lay this
conviction, but within a decade they would see in the Anglo-Saxon
world such a reaction from these things they deplored as would send
Britain and America into the glorious service for mankind, such as they
had never exhibited before. (Cheers.)
M. Frederic Passy, of Paris, spoke in French, and his remarks
were afterwards interpreted to the meeting. He was under the impres-
sion that he had been asked to speak so as to show that the Congress of
Peace was a Congress of all nations — of various languages and different
countries. As a veteran in the organisation of Peace Societies, he was
( 67 )
surprised, and lamented, that it should be still necessary to speak of the
miseries of war. Too much, however, could not be said on this subject,
especially to an audience like the present, which lived on its labour and
worked hard for its living, and yet had so much of the produce of that
labour wasted and squandered for war budgets. War was collective
murder, followed by plague and famine. A few wealthy people, a few
intriguers, politicians, and others, might make some temporary benefit
out of war, but for the mass it was misery, and it was wondrous that the
mass should still be content to resort to such barbarous expedients. He
thought, when rapidity of communication — and Scotsmen were much to
be praised in this connection for the part they took in shipbuilding — was
considered, and the manner in which the produce of lands and nations
was so easily exchanged, that a nation could no longer claim to be the
sole possessor of its land. (Hear, hear.) The land where one nation
lived was the land which produced the necessities of other nations, and
other nations produced neceRsities for that nation. Therefore, if any
nation was attacked in its land, the industries at home were injured. By
a war of aggression the damage was not done to one nation alone, but
to the collectivity of nations. (Cheers.) It was, therefore, to their
interest, as the advocates of Peace and freedom and justice, to protest
against war, and to use the whole of their influence to prevent war, and
to insist that Arbitration should in future settle disputes. (Cheers.)
Miss P. H. Peckover, Wisbech, remarked that there were many
people who said that there had always been wars and always would be ;
but she pointed out that the cause of Peace was in a better position than
ever before. She spoke of the formation of Peace Societies — first in
Britain and America — and gave details of the work, pointing out the
good work they were doing and the progress being made by the Inter-
national Peace Society. It was the duty of the young men and women
of this generation to take up the work and carry out the objects of the
Society. (Applause.)
Mrs. Bradlaugh-Bonner, in a very able speech, remarked that the
people of this country, who were said to be lovers of Peace, had hardly a
single year's Peace. Their arms were engaged in some part of the world,
and yet in spite of this warfare they know little about the actual horrors
of war. It was the duty of the Peace Societies to inform the people what
war was. She also dealt with the wanton expenditure involved by wars
and armaments, contending that the tax-payers of the world would soon
insist on the Governments checking the waste and applying some of the
many millions that were expended every year in educating and elevating
the people. (Applause.)
Mr. Hazell, Treasurer of the Peace Society, in moving a vote of thanks
to the Provost, Magistrates, and Town Council for their hospitality and
invitation to the town, and to Provost Wilson for presiding, remarked
that the progress of the movement — which had aims appealing to all,
irrespective of party — gave ground for hope. Slowly but surely the
F 2
( 68 )
great heart of humanity was growing into a conception of the gradual
growth of the reign of law ; and Arbitration was taking the place of war.
In support of this, he instanced several recent difficulties settled by
arbitration — difficulties which otherwise might have led to hostilities.
In spite of all, he believed in the ultimate cause of Peace.
Dr. Darby, Secretary of the Peace Society, in seconding the vote of
thanks, on behalf of the Congress and his colleagues in the work, thanked
the people of Paisley for their splendid reception that night. Tbey were
specially indebted to his friend, Provost Clark, not only for this visit, but
for other opportunities of bringing the question before the public of
Paisley.
Ex-Provost Clabk returned thanks on behalf of the Provost and
himself. He spoke in favour of universal Peace, remarking that he was
glad to see so many in Paisley sympathise with the movement, and
trusted that they would interest themselves in the work and carry it on
to a successful issue. If they did their best to promote the principles
they advocated, and if everybody did the same thing, Peace would be
established upon the earth.
On the motion of Councillor Kent, the speakers were thanked for
their addresses, and the proceedings terminated.
SIR JOSEl'H WHITWELL I'EASK, BAKT.,
Preeidettl of the CongTeli,
FOURTH SESSION.
Thubsday Morning, Septembeb 12th, 1901.
The Congress resumed its work in the St. Andrew's
(Berkeley) Hall on Thursday morning at ten o'clock.
Presidential Addbess.
Sir Joseph W. Pease, Bart, M.P., presided, and, on taking
the chair, said : What I am going to say, I believe, is that
in which all of us will agree — first, that we are not here to
discuss any particular war, or the circumstances that led
to it, or whether that war could be avoided. But we all
believe there is a more excellent niethod of settling inter-
national differences than that of war ; and none of us,
looking back over the history of wars, can help coming to
the same conclusion as Lord John Bussell, who said that he
had never known a war that could not have been avoided
with tact and good temper. (Hear, hear.) Having got all
that experience, we are here to try to make use of it. The
preparations for war, the evils of large armies at home with
nothing to occupy them when there is no war, the horrors of
war, and the detrimental effect of the war spirit upon the
nations of the world, are things we all feel, and we all wish
to bring about a better state of things. There is no aspect
of war on which we can look with satisfaction. Is it the
economic aspect? All economy is against war. Is it
the moral aspect? War is opposed to all morality. I saw
with amazement in the papers the other day that in some
Glasgow churches they were going to have sermons on the
subject whether war was in accordance with Christianity.
But surely we cannot take the Christian view of life, and yet
( 70 )
say that war is in accordance with the Spirit of Christ.
Having always taken those three lines, I have been attached
to the Peace Society. I was President of the Peace Society's
meeting at the time of the Crimean War, and it was all I
could do to get a hearing. Anybody who looks back at what
that war cost, not only in money, but also in morals, in
reputation, and at what it was for, and how far its object
was gained, would say that it was a very great waste. That
was a very good sample of other wars. They could have
been done without, and a better result attained with less
evil feeling. I want rather now to turn to the encouraging
things in our position. I look upon war and the war spirit
as lowering to the whole tone of society. The Jingo spirit is
a devilish spirit — (applause) — and does away with what is
most essential in the moral progress of nations, and that
is the honour and sanctity of human life. (Hear, hear.)
When once we begin to say that life is nothing on the battle-
field, then we soon go on to say that it is worthless at home.
The encouraging thing is the general feeling that begins to
permeate society. I have been a good many years in the
House of Commons, and I say that there is to-day a stronger
feeling against war, even with a large Government majority
promoting war, than there has ever been in that House since
I have known it. (Cheers.) We may see this among ministers
of religion too. My good friend Henry Richard used strong
language regarding the Christian ministers. Now we have
thousands of sermons being preached on behalf of Peace.
Then we have that excellent meeting held here the other day,
at which a very celebrated lawyer, Lord Alverstone, took the
chair, on the question of International Law. That was a
great step forward, and we have to thank Lord Alverstone
and my friend the late Lord Herschell for what they did in
endeavouring to bring about a Treaty of Arbitration between
Great Britain and the United States —an effort that so nearly
succeeded, and would have succeeded but for the system of
voting in the American Senate. All these are good signs.
It is a good sign that when we come into a great commercial
city like this the Lord Provost and the Corporation should
entertain this Congress in the municipal building. (Hear,
k
\
( 71 )
hear.) A better sign still is The Hague Conference, and it
is good to see that day by day Great Powers have come to
sign the Articles of the Convention. I trust that the
principle of Arbitration will soon animate the civilised
world. I have never given way to discouragement. Though
it is difficult to reconcile our hopes with the aggregation of
means for killing men who should be friends, yet the world
is getting better, perhaps more rapidly than some of us think,
and I hope those who are labouring for the cause of Peace
will see this, and be of good hope. (Applause.)
Letters, etc.
M. Emile Abnaud said that a number of encouraging
letters had been received, including one from Baron
d'Estournelles de Constant, who regretted that he was
not able to attend the Congress, being detained by most
urgent business. His Excellency wished to point out to the
Congress, however, that the conclusion obtained at The
Hague was almost a miracle. No one had thought that
anything would come out of the Conference. Not only did
it end favourably, but a permanent tribunal was constituted,
and was now ready to work. He hoped that this tribunal
would not be left in idleness, but would be called upon to
help in the maintenance of Peace. A representative of the
working men of France had written that they were at one
with the Peace Societies in their efforts to maintain Peace
and in their desire for Arbitration, and sending fraternal
greetings to the working men of Great Britain. Letters
had also been received from Signor E. T. Moneta; Senor
Magalhaes de Lima, expressing the solidarity of the friends
of Peace in Portugal ; Signor Lago, who reported Peace work
in New Pompei, South Italy ; M. Hervieu, municipal adjoint
at Bruges ; Mr. Alfred H. Love, Dr. C. von Scherzer, Austrian
Minister-Plenipotentiary, and others.
The Services op M. Ducommun.
Mr. J. F. Green called attention to a letter addressed by
Mr. Hodgson Pratt, President of the International Peace
and Arbitration Association, to the acting President of the
( 72 )
Congress, and circulated in printed form, on the subject of
** the great and remarkable services rendered by M. Elie
Ducommun, Hon. Secretary of the International Bureau of
Peace.'* Mr. Pratt's letter is as follows : —
** At last year's Congress I mentioned the subject to several of our
fellow-workers, with a view to immediate action, but I was advised not
to take any steps until the present occasion, when our esteemed friend
would have concluded his tenth year of valuable service on our behalf.
It so happens that he is unavoidably absent from the Congress of 1901,
and, greatly as that absence has to be regretted, it becomes more easy to
take steps with a view to give concrete expression to those feelings of
gratitude and admiration which are imiversally felt towards him.
" It may be well, perhaps, if I recall the circumstances which led to
the constitution of the * Permanent International Bureau of Peace.' It
had long been the desire of the former President of the League of Peace
and Liberty, M. Charles Lemoonier, that there should be some sort of
federal union between all Peace Societies ; and the sabject of forming a
central organisation for the movement was formally brought before the
first Universal Peace Congress, held at Paris in 1889. It was felt that
for the purpose of holding an annual congress, for the due preparation
of its work, and for securing hearty co-operation between all Peace
Societies and friends of our great cause, a central office was most
necessary. Accordingly, at the Third Congress, held at Bome in 1891,
a committee was appointed to carry out the formation of such a Bureau.
Their first step was to find some one who would organise it and carry it
on, and a colleague present, well known for his zeal and ability, was at
once requested to undertake this onerous task. He consented, on the
remarkable condition that he should receive no remuneration, and he at
once commenced the important duties of his new office. M. Elie
Ducommun was at that time, and is still, the Secretary of the Jura*
Simplon Bailway, at Berne, and his consent to undertake the organisa-
tion of the whole Peace movement in Europe meant the sacrifice, every
week, of his entire leisure hours, so much needed by a man holding the
important office just mentioned. The work of the new organisation
commenced on the 1st December, 1891, and from that moment corre-
spondence with societies and with individuals grew rapidly. A Library
of Beference was formed, suggestions of great practical value were
published and co-operation invited ; and in a short time there was pub-
lished a fortnightly record of information on all matters connected
with the Peace Propaganda. In addition, there has been the frequent
publication of Beports and Notes on questions relating to international
relations. The result of this continuous education of opinion and
interchange of views was a rapid and remarkable growth of societies,
until there are now upwards of 400 groups of societies in Europe. In
the Appendix to this letter I have given a summary of the main
( 78 )
fanctions of the Bureau, as proposed at the outset, but the work actually
done has far exceeded what then was contemplated. All persons who
have had occasion to seek information from the Bureau must have been
struck with the remarkable promptitude and fulness of the information
supplied.
" It has seemed to me necessary to call the attention of the workers
in our great cause to the above facts, because some may have forgotten
them, while others have joined the movement since the Bureau wrs first
established. It is within the knowledge of all who have at any time
attended our Congresses with what singular completeness and efficiency
all the work is prepared, arranged, and recorded. Nothing is ever for-
gotten, provision is made for every difficulty, and all occasion for
perplexity or confusion is obviated by the Hon. Secretary's tact, know-
ledge, and good temper. After a life's experience of committees and
societies, I may declare that I have never known anyone who surpasses
M. Ducommun as an organiser. May I also add that, in consequence of
my residence at Lausanne for several winters, I had many opportunities
of visiting the Bureau, and of conferring with our friend. Nothing
impressed me more than the greatness of the personal sacrifice he has
made, for the growth of the Peace movement has made demands upon
his attention almost every day of every one of those ten years, so that
his family have constantly lost the benefit of his society, and he himself
that repose and refreshment of mind so sorely needed by one holding an
important public office. It seems to me impossible to express the full
extent of our obligation to this * incomparable ' man, as M. Fr^d^ric
Passy termed him last year at the Congress.
*' And now comes the question which I respectfully submit. Ought
we not to take this opportunity of expressing the profound esteem and
affection which the whole body of Peacemakers must feel towards this
excellent friend and brother? I venture to say that it would be a
dereliction of duty to be silent in such a case, and I think we must all
be anxious to say or do something which may for ever record, in a
permanent and effective manner, the gratitude and regard which M. Elie
Ducommun has earned among his fellow-men. How this may be done
should, I suggest, be considered by a committee which, I hope, will be
constituted on the first day of the Glasgow Congress, so that, if possible,
some preliminary report may be made before the delegates separate."
Mr. J. F. Green said it was unnecessary to tell the Congress
that the Berne Bureau would not have been what it had been
if it had not had M. Ducommun as Hon. Secretary. Mr. Pratt
suggested that a small committee should be formed by the
Congress to consider and report. A motion would be brought
forward later on.
Miss Ellen Bobinson suggested that the Organising
( 74 )
Committee and the Bureau Committee should nominate a
committee at the next sitting of the Congress.
Mr. Newman said he supported this suggestion.
The matter then dropped.
International Law and Justice.
M. Emilb Arnaud then presented the Eeport of the Juri-
dical Sub-committee of the International Peace Bureau.
Speaking at length, in French, he said : —
** I. The programme of every great party is at once positive and
negative. The negative programme of Pacifism has been set forth at
length in the speeches at the opening sittings ; it is anti- War-ism. Our
business is to determine the positive part of the pacific programme, that
is to say, the organisation of Peace. It will liave as result the sup-
pression of the necessity for war, and firom the fact that it will no longer
be possible for anyone to uphold this necessity, a considerable progress
will be secured. The first echelon of the organisation of Peace is the
international juridical order ; in other words, we must begin by
establishing among nations bonds of law.
** II. Law is Jaw. When a principle is recognised as being a principle
of law it cannot be said that it will only be * of future law ' and that it
is not applicable to existing situations. We are not concerned here with
positive laws applicable to individuals of a single nation, submissive to
an imperfect right — which is only another thing for a common rule which
must be obeyed even when it is bad (so that it recalls the maxim. Dura
lex, sed lex) — we are concerned with natural law as it is recognised by
thinkers, jurisconsults, philosophers, sanctioned by the universal con-
science, law in which mutual respect is * reposed ' because to refuse to
recognise it would bring down upon him who violated it universal
condemnation and contempt and would justify all reprisals against him.
*' In the absence of positive international law, it is by the voluntary
application of this right that certain Governments have merited the
respect of others. It is the combination of these principles that con-
stitutes civilisation, and it is by their application that a State classes
itself among civilised States ; it is by their violation that it puts itself
outside civilisation. . . .
"In 1898, a large number of men and women of all countries, races,
religions, languages, proclaimed at the Third Peace Congress, held in
Bome, some of these principles as being at the base of the Law of
Peoples. They were enounced in these terms : —
1. The relations of peoples are regulated by the same principles
of law and morality as the relations of individuals.
2. Having no right to be its own judge, no State may declare war
upon another.
J
( 75 )
3. Every difiference between peoples should be settled by juridical
methods.
4. The autonomy of every nation is inviolable.
5. There exists no right of conquest.
6. The peoples are bound (soUdaires) one with another. They
have, like individuals, the right of legitimate defence.
« 7. The peoples have the inalienable and imprescriptible right of
freely disposing of themselves.
Since the Home Congress, in other countries, at Berne as at Chicago,
in Antwerp as in Buda Pesth, at Hamburg as in Paris, other men and
women, of as different origins, have acclaimed the same truths, unani-
mously and without any protest being witnessed. Is there not here the
characteristic, the criterion of the absolute truth? May we not say
that these principles have thus passed the bar of the universal conscience
and that violations of them must constitute a crime of Z^86- civilisation?
In sanctioning them anew in this country you will complete the work of
the London Congress of 1890, where I had the pleasure and honour
of obtaining a vote negativing the ' right of war.' (Applause.)
** Since the vote of the Home Congress it has been easy to declare
that the pure and simple application of the principles I am recaUing to
you in all internatioual questions imposes itself as the perfect solution.
In these principles is found the Just ; in their application is necessarily
found the Useful. If you are asked some day on what foundations the
international policy of a pacific State should rest, where are the prim-
ordial rules on which an arbiter should rely, which should enlighten the
conscience of international judges, at The Hague or elsewhere, do not
hesitate to recall the *' bases of the law of peoples " recalled in the
preliminary clause of our code, and to the rules arising therefrom
contained in Clause I. of the International Code adopted by the
Congresses. . . .
"III. Without wishing to make ourselves our own judges, which
would be to claim a right that we refuse to States, it is our duty to do
what we can to get others to do us justice. To this end the Juridical
Sub-Committee has noted for your sanction certain facts. The first
is this: The reproach addressed to the friends of Peace of being, by
reason of that fact, anti-patriots has no foundation. In fact, those have
always been considered the best patriots who have worked in an effective
manner for the security of their country. But what is that but, by the
most proper and certain means, to safeguard it from war? Is it not
clearly proved to-day that, whatever be the conditions at the outset of a
war, though there be not a button lacking, yet war may be for the party
which makes it a cause of ruin, misery, decadence, and sometimes even
of annihilation ? To ward off this danger while securing a country in
respect for its rights, to prevent this misfortune by the very fact of
assuring one's neighbour reciprocally of respect for his rights — is this
not to contribute effectively to the security of one's country, to give
( 76 )
proof of the pnrest patriotism, in the truest sense that can he given to
the word. The second truth is that from the international point of view
disarmament is not considered by us as a means but as a consequence,
a result. It is from different points of view that we consider disarmft-
ment ; its economic and humanitarian consequences are interesting to
each national group of peace-workers, because they are an element in
propaganda, and also because their exposition proves that we have
studied the consequence's of the reforms we propose. But the organisa-
tion of Peace has for its end the application to nations of a system of
justice destined to resolve international conflicts. Just as the organisa-
tion of personal justice preceded the suppression of violence as the sole
method of solving quarrels among men ; just as the habit of appealing
to the law courts has grown step by step and rapidly ; just as repressive
penal measures have only been gradually taken or applied; in the same
way the peoples and Governments will and can renounce the employ-
ment of force only when a juridical solution of international conflicts
shall have been established and accepted. The reduction of armaments
will come about as a consequence of the reciprocal confidence that will
be established; the hardiest or the wisest will commence, the others
will follow from faith or necessity. Defensive forces will alone remain
useful ; the limitation of armaments will come about of itself, without
any coercion. Disarmament partial, but on a very large scale, will be
effected. Coercive measures may then be decided upon and applied if
there is need, whether as sanction for the establishment of an obligatory
system of justice, or as a measure of police or public force, to ensure
the execution of judicial decisions, that is to say, to accomplish the
acts necessary to this execution which are juridical acts and not acts
of war.
*' The organisation of justice among individuals and its organisation
among nations are in absolute correlation. Order among citizens is
assured, though the organisation of justice among nations has yet to be
perfected. This work will accomplish a double evolution : on the one
hand, the application to nations of the system already applied to
individuals ; on the other hand, the perfection of two systems of justice,
simultaneous at the beginning and afterwards reacting favourably and
rapidly upon each other. Whether among individuals or nations, to
work for Peace is to work for Justice, and to work for Justice is to
work for Peace. By liberty one prepares justice and peace, by peace
and justice one prepares liberty. We must work for Peace with the
determination not to sacrifice the least particle of law, justice, and
liberty.
" IV. The work of The Hague Conference was studied at the Paris
Congress of 1900. This Congress declared, in its resolutions, how far
the results had surpassed our hopes. * The work at The Hague,' Baron
d'Estournelles wrote to us, * has been a veritable tour de force, almost
^
( 77 )
a miracle. It was condemned in advance as certain to end miserably in
confusion, impotence, and discord. And yet it resulted, against every
expectation, against every probability, in the constitution of a Permanent
Court of Arbitration. . . .* It has done still more in our belief; it
proclaimed the solidarity that unites the members of the society of
civilised nations and it adopted a large number of declarations which
increase substantially the domain of positive international law. The
preamble of its acte finale and of the Convention for the pacific settle-
ment of international conflicts proves that war is not necessary, and they
have begun the organisation of Peace. It is the partial realisation of
the positive programme of pacifism.
** But it must not be a part of the world only that reaps the benefits
of this work ; since the way it points out is good, all peoples ought to
follow it. Without waiting longer all The Hague Conventions should be
open, so that all States may declare their adherence. But for that it is
necessary that the signatory leaders should respectively notify their
willingness and should not put any condition upon such adhesion.
** No longer should this work remain a dead letter, and for that
end it must be completed. Becourse to justice in international dis-
putes must be rendered obligatory, permanent treaties being concluded
between people and people creating a universal network of obligatory
arbitration.
**This is particularly the place to reply once more to the most
general reproach formulated against The Hague Conference : that of not
being able or shown how to prevent the South African War. The solution
of the conflict between Great Britain and the Transvaal was not the
aim of the Conference ; its mission was a work of the future. Its initiator
and the Government of the Netherlands, which issued the invitations,
thought rightly that present difficulties should not be allowed to prove
an obstacle to the meeting, that the formal reserve of the British Govern-
ment so far as regards the South African conflict, regrettable as it was,
might and ought to be accepted if the refusal of acceptance on its
part might result in check to the work. If the Conference had concluded
a general treaty of obligatory arbitration it would have been different,
but for such a treaty a long preparation was necessary. This prepara-
tion the Conference made. It remains then to accomplish two essential
things : to obtain the diplomatic or juridical solution of existing con-
flicts, and to procure the conclusion of the general arbitration treaty,
which may be the result of a new Conference, or may result from
particular Conventions, in conformity with the provisions of Article 19.
It is this latter work that we can more particularly aid, and it is to this
end that the Juridical Sub-Committee of the International Bureau
prepared a draft treaty of permanent arbitration between State and
State, adequate for the purpose of The Hague Convention, and sub-
mitting litigation to the Permanent Court.**
( 78 )
The Hague Conventions. — Permanent Obligatory
Arbitration.
Having referred briefly to statements by M. de Montluc
and Baron d'Estournelles, M. Arnaud concluded by moviDg
the following propositions : —
[ENGLISH.]
" J. The Tenth Universal Peace Congress strongly protests against
the OfCcusation of anti-patriotism which is often brought against the
members of Peace Societies, By their endea/oours in their own coimiry
to prevent war^ the friends of Peace do more than a/nybody else for
its security.
** The Congress decla/res that it considers disa/rmament a result of
the organisation of Peace rather than a means of arriving at Pea^e.
It is convinced that the application to the nations of a system of justice
calculated to settle vntemational disputes in a pa,cific manner mil
necessarily and normally lead to a progressive and simultaneous
reduction of arm^amentSf which are a burden on all countries,
" The Congress is of opinion that the existence andf above ally the
employment of The Hagus Tribunal^ and also the adoption of permanent
treaties of arbitration with a view to rendering more effective the Con-
vention for the pacific regulation of vntemational conflicts, are
calculated to bring about this result,^^
** II. The Congress trusts that all the Conventions adopted at The
Hague may be declared open to all, in order that any Power may adhere
to them without conditions. It thanks the Inter-ParUamentary Bureau
for the desire expressed by it in this sense at its meetings at Brussels,
and, with a view to its attainment, counts on the action of each of the
members of that Bureau in relation to his own Government and in his
own Parliament,*^
** III. This Congress notes with lively satisfaction the definite con-
stitution of The Hague Permanent Court of Arbitration, which marh
an important step in the Peace movement,
" The Congress congratulates the Governments on ha/ving created
this institution, which destroys the last arguments for the necessity of
war. It confidently hopes that in future every international difference
which shall not have been settled by diplomacy, or by the other pacific
methods indicated in The Hague Convention, will be submitted to the
Arbitration of the Hague Court,"
" JF. Whereas Article 19 of The Hague Convention for the pacific
settlement of international difficulties contemplates the conclusion,
* either before or after the ratification ' of the Convention, of * new
agreements, general or particular, with the object of extending obliga-
tory arbitration to all cases which they judge capable of being
submitted to it,* : —
\
( 79 )
** The Congress recommends the Peace Societies to promote the
conclusion of Permcment Arbitration Treaties providvng for the sub-
m>ission to the arbitration of The Hague Court of a/ny difference which
may not ha/ve been otherwise amvicably settled.
** The Congress hopes that such Treaties ma/y be forthwith concluded
between the following States, which have been pointed out as already in
a position to agree to them : — (1) Between the ni/neteen BepubUcs of
Am,erica, whose representatives are to meet next month in Mexico ;
(2) between Fra/nce amd Great Britan,n ; (3) between Great Brita/m am,d
the United States ; (4) between Bussia cmd France ; a/nd between a/ny
other States whose existing relations fa/vour the conclusion of such
Treaties,'*
[fbench.]
I, Le iO* Congrks universel de la Paix proteste avec energie contre
Vaccusation d* anti-patriotisms qui est fr^qu&m/m&nt addressee a/ux
membres des Societes de la Paix, En s'efforqa/nt d'eviter la guerre
a leur propre pays, les Pacifistes travaillent m/ieux gue qwicongue a sa
securite,
Le Congrbs declare guHl considSre le desa/nnement com/me un
resultat de V organisation de la Pa/ix^ plutdt que com/me un moyen
d'arriver a la Paix, II est convoAncu que V application a/ux nations
d'un systdme de justice de nature a resoudre pacifiquement les confiits
intemationaux conduira necesswirement et normalement a une reduction
progressive et simultanee des armements qudpesent sur toutes les nations,
Le Congres estime que Vexistence et surtout Vusage de la Cour de
La Haye, a/insi que la signature de traites d'arbitrage permanents
destines a rendre encore plus efficace la Convention pour le rSglemsnt
pacifique des confiits intemationaux, sont de natu/re a amener ce
resultat,
II, Le Congres exprime le vobu que les Conventions de la Haye soient
d^clar^es ouvertes, afin que toute puissance puisse y adherer sans con-
dition. II remerde le Bv/reau inter-parlementaire du voeu quHl a 4mis
en ce sens da/ns la reunion de Bruxelles et compte, pour aboutir, sur
Volition de chacun des membres de ce Bureau auprds de son gowveme-
Tnent et dans son propre parlemsnt,
III, Le Congres constate avec une vive satisfaction la constitution
definitive de la Cour permanente d'arbitrage de la Haye, qu/i marque
une etape importante dans le mouvement pacifique,
Le Congres felicite les Gov/oemements de s'Stre donne cette institu-
tioUf qid detruit les demiers arguments en faA)ev/r de la necessite de la
guerre, II a le ferme espoi/r qu'd Va/venir tout differ end international
— qu/i ne sera/it pas regie soit par voie diplomatique, soit par les autres
mxyyens pacifiques preconises pa/r la Convention de La Haye, — sera
sou/nvis a V arbitrage de la Cour de La Haye,
IV. — Considerant que V article 19 de la Convention pour le rdgle-
ment pacifique des confiits intemationaux prevoit la conclusion^ ** Soit
( 80 )
avcmt la ratification de cette Convention, soit posterieurement, d^accordi
nouveaux, geniraux ou particuUera, en vue d'etend/re V arbitrage ohliga-
oire d, toua lea caa qu*ellea jugeront poaaible de hii aoumettre,^* U
tCongrea recommande aux Societea de la Paix de pov/rawvore la con-
cluaion de traitea d'a/rhitrage perma/nent preacrivant VohUgation de
aoumettre a Va/rhitrage de la Cour de La Haye tout differend qui n
aerait paa reaohi a Vwimahle,
Le CongrSa eaphre que de tela traitea aeront conclua incessa/m/ment
entre lea Etata ci-aprda, qui aont aignaUa com/me eta/nt en meav/re de le
faircy aa/vovr:
1. Entre lea 19 Bepuhliquea a/mericainea, dont lea repreaentanta
doivent ae reunir le moia prochain a Mexico ;
2. Entre la France et la Orande-Breta^ne ;
3. Entre la Qrcmde-Bretagne et lea Etata-Unia ;
4. Entre la Euaaie et la Frcmce,
Et entre toua cmtrea Etata dont lea relationa actuellea favorisent la
concVuaion de cea Traitea.
Mr. J. G. Alexander, in seconding the resolutions, said
these were the result of various propositions the Commission
had had before it. On the subject of the fourth motion a
difference of opinion had arisen, but he thought it was due,
to some extent, to a confusion of terms. Mr. Barclay, who
initiated the movement for a treaty between Great Britain
and France, had not, he was sure, the slightest idea, and the
Lord Chief Justice, who spoke on the question at the Inter-
national Law Conference, had no idea, of doing anything that
could discredit, or tend to set aside. The Hague Convention
and Tribunal. He had taken counsel with some of those who
had taken a critical line on the matter, and he thought he
could say that upon the wording now offered a substantial
agreement had been arrived at. He was himself of opinion
that the Tribunal contemplated by the unratified Anglo-
American Treaty could have been used under The Hagae
Convention.
Mr. Fblix Mobgheles said the important question was,
How was The Hague Convention to be safeguarded against
any proposal to make use of arrangements outside it ? He
suggested an addition to Besolution H., embodying an invita-
tion to the Governments of all countries to adopt The Hague
Conventions, these being declared open to all States without
reserve.
( 81 )
M. Abnaud said he was willing to adopt the first part of
the suggestion ; but as to the phrase about the Conventions
being open to all States unconditionally, he must point out
that a special clause was inserted in the Arbitration Con-
vention declaring that other nations would be admitted only
on special conditions.
The Eev. Walter Walsh (Dundee) supported Mr.
Moscheles' suggestion.
Mr. G. H. Ferris (London) said he happened to have
the clause about subsequent admission of signatories, and he
did not think it quite bore out the contention which he under-
stood M. Arnaud to offer, or that it constituted any objection
to Mr. Moscheles' proposal. It read thus :
**LX. — The conditions on which the Powers who were not repre-
sented at the International Peace Conference can adhere to the present
Convention shall form the subject of a subsequent agreement among the
Contracting Powers.**
It would be remembered that this was the critical point
raised by the demands for an open door for the Papacy and
the Boer Eepublics. So far as was known no " subsequent
agreement " had yet been arrived at by the *' Contracting
Powers '* ; and it was, therefore, quite open to the Congress
to recommend the Powers to throw the Convention open
without conditions.
The amendment was modified and adopted in the follow-
ing form :—
[ENGLISH.]
II, The Conference is of opinion that The Hague Conventions
slwuld he declared open, so that every Power can adopt them without
conditions. It urges the Governments of all countries to adJiere to theni
unreservedly forthwith. It thanks the Inter-Parliamentary, etc. (original
motion).
[fbench.]
II. Le Congres exprime le voeu que les Conventions de la Haye
soient diclaries ouvertes, afin que toute puissance puisse y entrer sans
condition; il engage les Qouvemements d» tous les pays d y adh&ref
ensuite sans reserve, H remercie . . . (texte primitif ).
G
( 82 )
The Refusal of Arbitration in South Africa.
Mr. W. T. Stead (London) rose, and was received with
cheers, when
Mr. T. P. Newman said : Mr. President, I rise to a point
of order. I ask that the amendment may be read.
The President : That is not a point of order.
Mr. Stead : I will read it. I wish to recall this Congress,
which has a great historical past, to practical questions of the
immediate moment. (Applause.) I have drawn up a resolu-
tion which I want to submit to the meeting, and which will
go directly to the heart of the matter. It is easy to lead a
horse to the water — one man can do that ; but a thousand
men cannot make that horse drink. The Hague Conference
led the nations to the stream of arbitration. It depends
upon us whether they shall be induced to drink. All the
general resolutions addressed to Governments are of prac-
tically no use at all. What we have to do is to appeal to the
peoples. The resolution I shall propose is practical and
definite, and endeavours to give point to M. Arnaud's speech.
We don't want namby-pamby resolutions affirming things.
(Hear, hear.) You may affirm a thousand times, but that is
not enough. My proposition follows on the lines of the
resolutions of the Eome Congress. It is necessary that when
nations go against the sentiment of the civilised world, there
should be an explosion of pacific sentiment. (Hear, hear.)
I see precious little explosion here ; and if a Peace Congress
will not explode, how do you think the general public will
do so ? (Laughter.) I propose to add some explosive matter
to the resolutions by moving the following addendum :—
The Hague Conference having recommended four different methods
of avoiding war — ^which are, first, mediation ; second, international
commission of inquiry ; third, special commissions ; and fourth,
arbitration pure and simple — the Congress declares that any State by
refusing to adopt any one of them when proffered hy its opponent loses
its right to he regarded as a civilised Power. In such a country, ex-
communicate of humanity, the Congress is of opinion that while the war
lasts no public religious service of any kind should be held that is not
opened by a confession of blood-guiltiness on the part of that nation,
k
( 83 )
and closed by a solemn appeal on the part of the congregation to the
Government to stop the war by the application of The Hague methods.
(Cheers.)
Some of you may say I am going too far, but the power of
a Conference like this depends upon its fidelity to principle.
This amendment is based on the very simple and fundamental
principle that no person with his hands dripping with his
neighbour's blood unjustly shed should go before his God and
ask a blessing. (Applause.) I shall not go into details. The
question of Christianity and war has been discussed here. I
do not say a word about that. The main facts are plain and
clear — that at the present moment we are at war, and at war
as a direct consequence of the fact that we returned haughty
and repeated refusals to repeated applications to refer the
questions in dispute to arbitration. I say nothing now about
the merits of the war. Apart from them, even if we are
absolutely right and President Eruger was absolutely wrong,
when he implored that the question should be submitted to
arbitration we indignantly refused the request ; and I say
that upon our heads lies the curse of civilisation and
humanity — (cheers) — and on our conscience lies the re-
sponsibility for the blood of those — our men and the others
— who have died in South Africa. Perhaps to-morrow we
shall read another telegram from Lord Kitchener announcing
another "good bag **—(" Shame! '*) — and yet we call our-
selves a Christian nation ! In the words of President Steyn,
which Mr. Fischer showed me, ** This war we are waging for
arbitration. If you offer arbitration, if you will refer the
question from the beginning to any impartial judges, we will
lay down our arms and undertake to accept the verdict, even
to the giving up of our national independence. But as long
as you refuse we shall go on fighting." These men are de-
fending the principles we are met to defend, and they deserve
that we should do for them what we can to secure arbitration.
(Cheers.) What is the good of the resolutions passed at The
Hague when not one of us has the heart of a mouse to say
" Damn ! damn ! ! damn ! ! ! " on all people who carry on war
and bring down the curse of God on our heads ? England
at the present moment is engaged in a war that makes us in
G 2
( 84 )
a real sense excommunicate of humanity. Eemember the
words of the Prophet : " When you stretch out your hands
to me, I will hide my eyes. I will not hear you. Your
hands are full of blood.** (Loud cheers.)
Mr. Thomas Wright (Birmingham) seconded Mr. Stead's
" amendment.** He said they would incur a very great
responsibility if they kept their mouths closed on the
question of who was responsible for the war. It was im-
perative to cry out against this monstrous iniquity. (Hear,
hear.) England had fallen, and in presence of Dr. Trueblood,
he must add that America had also fallen in late years. If
there was to be peace in South Africa there must be a per-
manent and solid settlement, and unless arbitration still took
place under just and fair conditions, there would be nothing
but strife and hatred everlastingly.
Dr. W. Evans Darby said: I am quite sure you will
sympathise when I say that, although for many years I have
been speaking for Peace, I never felt a greater difficulty in
addressing an audience than now. My views are well known
on this subject. I yield to no man in the strength of my
convictions, not only on war in general, but on this particular
war. Our friend Mr. Stead has " exploded.*' I want to appeal
to the Congress not to explode, but to keep quiet and act with
dignity. (Applause.) I want to put before you an example
that has already done more on behalf of Peace than, perhaps,
anything during the Congress meetings — the example of Mme.
Waszklewicz, when she said: "My feelings on the subject of
the war are so strong that I dare not trust myself to speak
on the subject, and therefore I content myself by merely
expressing the good wishes of the friends of Peace in
Holland.** 'That speech was more eloquent than pouring
out words for an hour would have been. (Hear, hear.)
Speech is silvern, silence is golden. Our opinions on the
war are well known. Is it necessary like a virago in the
street to vituperate and use strong words ? I think not. I
think the more dignified and calm our words are, the more
effective they will be. I have two objections to Mr. Stead's
amendment. . In the first place it is not the way of Peace.
Do you think we shall do anything towards settlement of the
( 85 )
war in South Africa by using strong words, and under the
terms of a general resolution saying what is said there about
the country ? We have to win over our countrymen, and do
you think we shall do that by simply fighting them ? There
is a way of Peace, and I remember the words of our veteran
friend near me (M. Passy) : " We want Peace in the means
as well as in the ends *' — not only the objects of Peace, but
the method of Peace. Beyond doubt we all have strong
feelings on the war, but is it necessary that everything we
feel should be put into words ? I have a second objection.
We have not met for the purpose of discussing the war in
South Africa— (hear, hear)— and some of us are here on that
understanding. (Hear, hear.) There is a place for party
discussion, and in the proper place I should be prepared to
take my part in that discussion, but this is not the proper
place. We are not met in this Congress to explode or to
make war on certain things upon which there are strong
differences of opinion among ourselves. I have no right to
force anyone to submit to my views. This proposition simply
makes us ridiculous before the nations. '^ Excommunicate
of humanity ! *' What nonsense ! (Laughter and " Hear,
hear.'*) Are we to appeal to the exploded and obsolete
instrument of the Church and excommunicate those who
differ from us ? Are we to go back to the methods of the
Middle Ages to put down our political opponents ? Mr. Stead
cannot mean that ; he has too much conjmon-sense. While
I feel as strongly as he does, I have felt it my duty to say
this, and to say it now. (Hear, hear.)
Professor Quidde (Munich) expressed gratitude to Mr.
Stead for having recognised that this Peace Congress ought
to deal with the question of the Transvaal War. A part of
the English Press had represented the expression of opinion
and the campaign on behalf of the Boers in Germany as
being inspired by a feeling of Anglophobia. That was false.
There were, of course, Anglophobists in Germany, but the
German people were not actuated by any general dislike or
antagonism toward Great Britain. On the contrary, they
recognised that Great Britain was the birthplace of civil
and popular liberty. They knew it had been the asylum of
( 86 )
political and religious refugees from all parts of the world,
and German reformers had always quoted the example of
England as one to be followed in Germany. The British
Constitution was recognised as the model for others. English
literature had permeated the educated classes in Germany,
where it was as well known as in E ngland. Shakespeare's plays
were as frequently performed in Germany as in England. It
was preposterous, therefore, to say that a strong Anglophobia
existed in Germany. At the same time they felt compelled
to recognise that the Government of England had acted in
a very reprehensible manner in refusing Arbitration. He
could not vote for the proposition as it stood — though he
might do so if it related to action of the German Government
— but he could do so if it simply expressed regret at the re-
fusal of Arbitration. If they voted for Mr. Stead's proposition,
the foreign delegates would be accused of fulminating against
the Government of a country whose hospitality they were
enjoying. Nor could they vote for it without incurring a
suspicion of hypocrisy. Many foreign Governments would
commit similar crimes if they had similar opportunities, and
they must not be too ready to throw stones. (Applause.)
Mr. Stead said the terms of his motion had been mis-
understood. It did not condemn the British Government-
it did not name it. It stated a general principle which was
applicable to all Governments which refuse Arbitration.
M. FBiiDJ^Bio Passy agreed with Mr. Stead that the refusal
of Arbitration should be condemned. He suggested that the
motion should be cut in two, and that the first part dealing
with the refusal of Arbitration should be put to the vote by
itself in the first place.
Dr. Clabe moved that the Congress should adjourn for
lunch.
The President said it appeared to him that the motion
would not help the cause they were met there to help. The
main resolutions under consideration dealt generally with
Arbitration and The Hague Tribunal. What was a country
"excommunicate of humanity"?
Mr. Stead said he was ready to omit the words '' ex-
communicate of humanity*' if desired. (Hear, hear.)
\
( 87 )
The President, continuing, said they should not commit
themselves to random words. Who was going to declarea
country " not civilised " ? Were the other Governments ?
Mr. Stead said the resolution of the Eome Congress did so.
The President asked how any of them were going to pre-
vent any congregation from having public prayers. He would
ask one who was doing a great work not to damage that work
by rather wild assertions which would only bring The Hague
Convention into disrepute.
The Congress adjourned at 12.30 a.m., when a photograph
was taken of the members.
FIFTH SESSION.
Wednesday Afternoon, September 12th, 1901.
On re-assembling, at two o'clock, for the afternoon Session
the discussion was resumed.
Mrs. Mead said that as an American she sympathised
heartily with the general feeling of Mr. Stead, realising as
she did the bloodguiltiness of her own country in the Philip-
pines. But she did not think it was at all necessary to explode
or to '* damn " any one, or make any one " damn " them. It
was useless to indulge in those vituperative expressions of tv«ro
hundred years ago (Laughter.) They must remember that
they should love their enemies, even if they were political
opponents. She would remind Mr. Stead of the words of
Bussell Lowell : —
He goes furthest who goes just far enough,
And all beyond that is pure pother and stuff.
(Laughter.) But she agreed that they should not be namby-
pamby. This was not an English question at all — it was a
universal question. The American people were just as guilty
as any other — perhaps a little more so since they had first
sinned in this direction, and they had higher ideals. She
moved that the latter part of Mr. Stead's amendment, re-
lating to the Churches, should be entirely omitted, and that
after the words "proffered by its opponents,'* it should read —
" has forfeited one of the primary claims to be regarded as a
civilised nation ; and that every citizen who consents to such
a position on the part of his Government shares in the guilt
of the war which may ensue.*' (Applause.)
Mrs. Byles said she was rejoiced to hear that speech
come from the lips of a distinguished citizen of the United
( 89 )
States. That Congress would have lost its driving- power if
it could not declare its conviction that any nation which
persists in refusing Arbitration violates the principles of
civilisation, and deserves to be drummed out of the comity
of nations. (Applause.) The Congress had no legislative
power, but that made it all the more essential to use what
moral power it had. It was a mere quibble to say that the
Boers could not claim the rights of signatories of The Hague
Convention, since they were deliberately excluded. She re-
minded the Congress, as there was some confusion of memory
as to the past, that it was in June, 1899, that the Transvaal
offered Arbitration of all differences to be submitted to the
two Chief Justices in South Africa and the Lord Chief Justice
in England. We refused, and thereby earned the contempt
and hatred of all civilised nations. In an even more recent
war other nations had shared in the bloodguiltiness. She
was content to accept their verdict, but she felt they had
the right to condemn any country which violated its solemn
pledges. She begged none to vote against this resolution
because it condemned the South African War. Arbitration
was the soul of their movement. The nations which most
solemnly pledged themselves to Arbitration at The Hague
must stand before this modest Tribunal to be judged thereby.
She thought in the matter of the Churches they should let
them speak for themselves. There were bright exceptions
in every Church, but most seemed to have worshipped a
savage deity whom they call the God of Battles. She
seconded Mrs. Mead's amendment.
Mrs. Bradlaugh Bonner rose to a point of order, whether
they could vote on an amendment to an amendment.
The President said it seemed convenient to follow M.
Fassy's suggestion. The motions would be dealt with as a
whole when the amendments were disposed of.
Dr. Darby said that the new form substituted for Mr. Stead's
resolution removed every difficulty he had felt in regard to the
original motion. It was now in a form he could accept most
heartily, and their objections were quite removed thereby.
Mr. Walter Walsh asked whether Mr. Stead's motion
was still before the meeting.
( 90 )
The President : Yes.
Mr. Walter Walsh wished to know whether Mr. Stead
agreed to the alteration.
The President replied that Mr. Stead was not in the
meeting. He had to do with the resolution before the meet-
ing in the form that expressed the views of those who had
spoken to the resolution.
The amendment to Mr. Stead's resolution was then put
and carried, and it was then adopted as a substantive motion
in the following form : —
[ENGLISH.]
The Hague Conference having recow/mended four different methods
of avoiding war, which a/re : first, mediation ; second, international
com/missions of enquiry ; third, special com/missions; and fourth,
a/rbitration ; the Congress declares that any State hy refusing to adopt
any one of them when proffered hy its opponent forfeits one of the
pri/ma/ry claims to he regarded as a civilized nation; and that every
citizen who consents to such a position on the part of his Government
shares in the guilt of the wa/r that may ensue.
[FRENCH.]
La Conf&rence de La HoAfe ayant recom/ma/ndi quatre mithodes
ddffirentes pour mettre fin a la guerre, le Congres dicla/re que tout IE tat
qui refuse d^adopter une de celles-ci lorsqu'elle lui est offerte par son
adversaire, forfait a Vune des regies les phis elementaires que doit
ohserver une nation civilisSe, et que tout citoyen qui approuve, da/ns ce
cas, Vattitude de son Oouvemement, partage la responsahilitS de la
guerre qui peut s'ensuivre.
Discussion Besumed on Clause II.
Mr. W. P. Byles : I now propose to go back to the second
clause of the first proposition of the Commission on Inter-
national Law. It will be seen that the Commission proposes
to throw a slight upon those who desire to bring about tbe
disarmament of nations, by suggesting or stating in this
resolution that disarmament is ''a result of the organisation of
Peace rather than a means of arriving at Peace." I have
long held that the nations of Europe should go to disarma-
ment as a means of arriving at Peace. (Applause.) I do
not, therefore, feel I can vote for this resolution in the
present form. I propose to alter " rather than " to " as
N
( 91 )
well as/' I believe, Sir, that the very existence of these
huge armaments leads the nations into war. Every battle-
ship you destroy and every gun you disable makes war more
impossible. (Applause.)
Mr. John Mather seconded the amendment. The same
difficulty had occurred to him, and he was glad so sagacious
a man as Mr. W. P. Byles had brought the matter to their
notice.
M. Emile Abnaud could not accept the amendment as
proposed by Mr. Byles. After many years' experience by the
Berne Bureau, this resolution was brought forward. Dis-
armament could not be regarded as a means of securing
Peace ; and to say that it was at once a result and a means
would be to teach an error of law, and therefore, of fact.
This error would constitute a danger to our propaganda, and
the resolution was intended to combat it. It was impossible
to propose disarmament. (A Delegate : *' Pooh, pooh ! ") They
must first propose something which would take the place of
armaments. As long as nations existed as independent
nations, difficulties would arise, and there must be some
means of settling them. Hitherto war had been the means.
They could not do away with war unless they had some
other mechanism instead of war. Therefore he maintained
that disarmament was the logical consequence and result of
establishing International Justice, Arbitration — International
Law, in a word. It would, indeed, be anti-patriotic that one
nation should lay itself open to the attacks of its neighbours
by disarming and disarming alone. There must be some
means of organising Peace and making armaments un-
necessary. To satisfy all, this legal conviction was not put
in such an emphatic manner as now expressed. He hoped
Mr. Byles would withdraw his amendment.
Mr. MoscHELBS warmly supported Mr. Byles' amendment.
They all thought both things were good, and could be worked
concurrently; and if such an expression as " rather than "
were put forth, it would discourage, and people would think
it useless to work for disarmament. (Applause.)
M. Gaston Mogh said that the question of disarmament
was an ever-recurring monster whose heads as fast as they
( 92 )
were lopped grew up again. They had had the legal aspect ;
he would now speak from a military point of view. Napoleon
III. had the idea of convoking a conference for this purpose.
Nicholas II. had had the same idea, and had convoked one.
All these, and M. Bloch himself, were in error. Nations did
not disarm, because they were afraid of each other. France
was afraid of Germany, Germany of France; France was
afraid of England, and was building submarine boats to keep
the English ships off the French coasts. He would be a bad
citizen who would expose his country to invasion. Disarma-
ment would be the spontaneous result of a feeling of security
arising from the habit of resorting to conventions for the
settlement of disputes. They could not put the cart before
the horse. They must establish their tribunals first. Dis-
armament would follow.
The amendment was put, and lost by 106 votes to 76.
Mr. W. T. Stead, who had just entered the Congress Hall,
explained that he had been detained at the Exhibition. ''You
have," he said, ''carried the sum and substance of my amend-
ment with alterations to suit yourselves. I am delighted to
know that in this Conference there is no one able to vote
against saying that the nation which refuses Arbitration ' has
forfeited its claim to be considered a civilised country.' You
objected to the phrase ' excommunicate of humanity.' That
was picturesque and forcible, but the phrase matters nothing.
The resolution says that any nation which acts as we have
acted forfeits a primary claim to be regarded as civilised. I
am assured the amendment was carried. The last clause of
my amendment recommended that religious services should
be opened by a confession of sin and closed by a demand that
war should cease. I am sorry you don't like it, but I shall
not insist, and I accept the amendment."
A Delegate : I protest against Mr. Stead's claim that the
Congress endorsed his remarks.
There being no other amendments, the whole of the reso-
lutions were put en bloc and carried.
( 98 )
Economic Causes of Wab.
M. Prudhommeaux, of the Association de la Paix par le
Droit, one of the reporters of Commission C, said that this
subject was so complex he could not attempt to explain it
fully in a speech. He represented an Association which had
charged him to introduce the motion in favour of organising
a Committee to enquire into the economic causes which lead
to WBr. They must admit the important part these had in
bringing about war. Even formerly the dynastic wars had
economic causes as their basis more than was recognised.
The war in Andalusia was based on the desire of plundering
the wealthy towns in the South of Prance. So it was in the
Crusades. Nowadays this was more than ever the case ; for
instance, in the American Civil War, the struggle was based
on the idea that cotton could not be produced without slave
labour. If economics were put in opposition to morality, it
was always morality that would go down. Therefore they
should inquire into the subject. They would then strengthen
the Peace movement and find many allies who were not
members of Peace Societies. The complaint had been made
that the Peace Societies kept themselves too much to
themselves. There were other friends of Peace besides those
who belonged to Peace Societies. Property, again, tended to
change. It was no longer individual as it used to be, but
was more and more collective. Nations possessed shares of
property in other nations, and this was an economic effect
which influenced the questions of war and Peace. Trade
was a natural ally of Peace. For these reasons the Berne
Bureau should be requested to form a Commission instructed
to enquire into these questions and their influence on Peace
and War. Secondly, he would consider the bearing of the
question on the agitation against war, especially as affecting
Colonial expansion. Consumption and production were not
regulated ; there was no organised method of seeing that
production corresponded to the needs of population. This
was one of the prominent causes of war. In one country
they produced more than they wanted, there was conse-
quently a glut in the market ; that led them to want larger
( 94 )
markets ; and this led on to jealousy and war. Consumption,
too, was not organised properly. Some had the money to
purchase more than they could consume. Others had not
money enough to purchase the bare means of existence.
That led to co-operation, which was a better way of dis-
tributing the products. Co-operators were friends of Peace.
He quoted the names and speeches of prominent co-operators,
and said that at their Congresses resolutions were passed
in favour of Arbitration. In the Co-operative Alliance of
England they would find good allies in the struggle against
war. He proposed : —
[ENGLISH.]
A, The Congress instructs the Berne Bureau to constitute a
technical Committee chosen from among pacific econom^ists^ and
charged to radse every year one of the economic or social aspects of
the international problem.
B. Tlie Congress invites the friends of Peace to favour in their
respecti/ve countries Co-operation by all m^ans in tlieir power. It
authorises the Berne Bureau to transmit th%s decision to the various
national a/nd international Co-operative Congresses.
[FRENCH.]
A. he Congres donne mission au Bureau de Berne de constituer
une commission technique choisie parmi les economisfes pacifiques et
chargee de mettre chaque annee en lumiere un des Greets economiques
ou socioAix du probleme international.
B. Le Congres invite les amiis de la paix a favoriser^ dans leurs
pays respectifSf la cooperation par tous les moyens en leur pouvoir.
II donne mandat au Bureau de Berne de transmettre cette decision aux
divers congres cooperatifs nationaux et intemationa/ux.
Mr. G. H. Ferris, as reporter to Commission C, said that
they had had before them a lengthy communication from
M. Jean de Bloch, and had drawn up a resolution upon that
base. M. de Bloch's essay had been circulated in the Con-
gress, and the text of the resolution had been in print before
them for two days. It was a subject to which some of them
had given special study, and on which many interesting, not
to say enlightening and important, things could be said. Bat
as he felt that a good deal of time had already been expended
in general eloquence, he would only explain that one or two
verbal amendments had been made in the text of the motion
I
( 95 )
as printed — the most important being the omission of the
phrase declaring that famine resulting in waste on arma-
ments might culminate in revolution — and unless some
criticisms or opposition were offered he would ask the Presi-
dent to put the resolution, which was as follows : —
[ENGLISH.]
Considering that the events of the South African Wa/r entirely
confirm the predictions of ma/ny emvnent soldiers that the improvements
effected in modem a/rms ha/ve tended to produce a deadlock in the art
of war ;
Considering that the events of that war confirm these a/uthorities in
their predictions that these improvem^ents — that is to say^ the smaU-hore
rifle, smokeless powder, a/nd perfected field entrenchments — ha/ve so
much changed the art of fighting in favour of the defensive that a
wa/r between the approximately equal Powers, or combinations of
Powers, which at present exist in Europe, could ha/ve no decisive result,
and that war could only be ended by the exha/astion of the combatam,ts ;
Considering that as a consequence of this revolution, the futv/re
war m,ust be very prolonged, and that in view of the dependence of the
Europea/n nations upon oversea supplies of food, of the scarcity of
money, the depreciation of the workers* wages, and the loss of savings
which the Governments have squa/ndered upon armament^, famine
must result;
Considering that neither the Governments nor the military caste
are veiling on their ovm initiative to help to elucidate these problems,
but that, on the contrary, experience shows that great opposition will
be met with from the military and governing classes ;
Considering that there are few means so effective for spreading a
belief in the necessity of Peace as by impressing upon the masses of
the people that war under modern conditions is both impossible and
unprofitable ;
Considering that such a belief is likely to be established as the
result of impartial enquiry in which not only soldiers but also poUti-
dans, economists, merchants, and statisticians should take part ;
The Congress regards it as of great importa/nce that a propaganda
should be created in all countries by means of lectures, articles in the
Press, etc. It hears with gratitude that M. de Bloch is anxious to add
such a propaganda, a/nd it recommends the Societies of all countries to
o/vaM themselves of his assistance,
[FRENCH.]
Consid&ramt que le d&veloppement de la guerre sud-africoA/ne con-
firms les pridictions de nombreux et iminents officiers, qui wnnongadent
que les recents perfectionnements des a/rmes d feu tra/nsformsradent
jprofond&ment Va/rt de la guerre ;
( 96 )
Considerant en particulier que^ entre a/titrea prdcUctions ainsi
realiseeSf lea fusils de petit calibre^ la poudre suns fumee, et les perfec-
tionneinents de la fortification passag^re out tellement agi en faveur
de la d&fensive, qu'une guerre entre nations ou entre allia/nces sensible-
tnent equivalentes^ telles quHl en existe actuellement en Europe, ne
pourrait avoir aucun resultat dicisif et ne se termin&rojit que par
Fepuisement des combatta/nts ;
Consideram,t qui par suite de cette revolution, u/ne guerre future
serait de fort longue duree, et que la fantnine generate ne vMJmquerait
pas de s^ensuivre, en raison de la dependa/nce reciproque des nations
ewropeennes au 'point de vue des approvisionnements qu^elles recoivent
d'outre-mer, comme en raison de la rarete du numeraire, de la reduc-
tion des salaires, de la perte des reserves du capital que les gouveme-
tnents auront dissipSes en a/nnements ;
Considerant que ni les gouvemements ni la caste miUtaire ne sont
disposes a aider spontam^ement a Vetude de ces problemes, mads que
V experience montre, au contraire, que Von doit s'attendre a une grande
opposition de la part des militaires et des cla^sses dirigeantes ;
Considerant quHl existe peu de may ens aussi efficacies de repandre
la croyance dans la nScessite de la paix que de fadre comprendre aux
masses populaires que la guerre, dans les conditions m,odemes, est a la
fois impossible et sans profit ;
Considerant que cette croya/nce resultera vraisemblablement d'une
enquete impartiale, a laquelle prendraient part, non seulement des
militadres, mais encore des Iwmmes d'Etat, des economistes, des
negociants et des statisticiens ;
Le Congr^s estime qu*il est de la plus haute importance d^instituer
en tous pays, d ce sujet, une propagande au moyen de conferences,
d'articles de journaux, etc, II est heureux d^apprendre que M, de
Block est dispose a aider une propagande entreprise en ce sens, et
recommande aux Societes de tous pays de recourir a ses bons offices,
M. Novicow, referring to M. Prudhommeaux's address,
said the Colonial expansion hardly met the case. No country
had done more in this way than England ; yet she found
that increased territory did not always mean larger markets.
Canada and Australia had high tariffs. He did not see the
good of such a Colonial expansion as that.
The resolutions were then agreed to without opposition.
Missionaries and Diplomatic Protection.
M. Novicow, as reporter for Commission A (Actualities),
said they had had before them a series of resolutions, pro-
posed by the corresponding Commission to the Paris Congress
■\
( 97 )
last year, on the action of missionaries and its dangers and
on diplomatic protection accorded in non-Christian countries
to the Christian subjects of those countries. These had been
adopted by M. Gaston Moch for submission to the present
Congress, and, on the base of these proposals, the Com-
mission now proposed the following resolutions: —
[ENGLISH.]
J. Becognismg that it is the duty of every country to protect its
own citizens who reside abroad, a/nd also citizens of other countries re-
siding within its borders, while they respect the law ;
Recognising also that homage should he rendered to the courage
and svncerity of Missionaries who sacrifice comfort, a/nd som>etimes life,
for the promotion of their fadth; a/nd that every mam, has the right to
endea/vour to induce others to sha/re his convictions ;
The Congress ea/mestly recom/mends that Missiona/ries should rigor-
ously abstain from aU action which ca/n even i/nddrectly expose their
country to war; should refran/n from appealing to their Qovemments
to amenge their wrtmgs ; amd should rely on the well-recognised power of
disinterested effort, and not upon miUta/ry force, which must al/wa/ys
be a hindrance to their service,
II. — Considering that in certai/n cov/ntries, a/nd notably in the Far
East, some subjects of the non- Christian Powers who join one of the
Christian Churches take advantage thereof to cla/i/m the position of
d/iplom^tic protection from one of the nations holding the Christia/n
Faith, a/nd thus to escape the authority of their own Oovemment ;
Considering that the Christia/n nations cannot admit these claims
without injuring the sovereign rights which even non- Christia/n Powers
ha/ve i/ncontestably over their own subjects, of whatever religion they
ma/y be, amd without, as a consequence, exposi/ng themselves to the
da/nger of exciting the legitimate susceptibilities of these Powers ;
The Congress is of opinion that the Christia/n nations should
strictly abstadn from claiming, or even admitting, their diplomatic
protection of the subjects of the non-Christia/n Powers who may han)e
joined either of the Christian, Churches,
[fbenoh.]
I. Conaid&ra/nt que toute nation a le devoir de protiger les citoyens
des a/ai/res pa/ys risida/nt sur son propre territoire, a/i/nsi que ses propres
citoyens risidant en pan/s etranger, aussi longtemps que ceux-ci respec*
tent les his des Flats ou ils se sont MahUs ; considdroMt aussi qu^on
doit une profonde admiration aux individus qwi sacrifient lev/r bien-
itre et pa/rfois leur vie pov/r la propagation de leu/r foi, et que tout
honrnie a le dnroit et le devoir de foAre partager ses convictions a ses
eembldbles;
H
( 98 )
Le Congrhs est d'ama :
Qu'il fa/ut fortement recomma/nder a/ux misaionnadrea de s^ahstemr
rigoureusement de toute action pov/ocmt condu/ire, mime indirectement^
leur pays a une guerre ; qu'il foAit encore Us d^toumer de tout appd
a leurs gouvenwments pour venger les torts qui leur sont faits, et
qu'il fa/tit leur faire comprendre qu'ils doivent s'appuyer sur le smle
pvdssam>ce de V effort ddsvnt&resse, et non sur la force des a/rmes, force
qui est toujours un obstacle a leur progrds,
II. Le Congres,
Consid&rcmt que, en Extrime Orient, quelques sujets des puissancei
non-chritiennes qui font acte d* adhesion a Vune des confessions chre-
tiennes s^en pr&oalent pour rSclamer la qualiti de protSge diplomatiqw
d^une des nations de civilisation chrStienne et pour ichapper ainsi a U
sou/verainetS de leur gouvemement :
Gonsidiromt en outre que la protection de ces converUs est pour les
nations de civilisation chrMienne une source d^emha/rras sa/ns nowhre^
qu'eUe est une des causes les phis friquentes de conflits entre ces nations
et les puissances non chritiennes, et qu^eUe consUttbe u/n damger per-
moment pour la pcdx ;
Est d'avis :
Qtbe les nations de civilisation chr^tienne doivent s'abstenir rigour-
eusement de revendiquer ou mime d'accepter la protection diplomatique
des sujets des puissa/nces non chritiennes qui font acte d'adhesion
a Vune des confessions ckritiennes.
The Bev. J. Spbiggs Smith supported. He said that mis-
sionaries going to a foreign country like China were naturally
suspected of having some ulterior object. The native rulers
would say : "My people who adhere to jour principles think
they can do pretty much what they like, because they believe
your country will protect them." One of the greatest mis-
takes this nation had made in that matter was that the
missionary went independently of the country from which he
went. It was thus thought the missionary went first to
smooth the way, then the Consul went to help him out of
some indiscretion of his ; then the country backed up the
missionary and the consul with soldiers. That sort of con-
duct alienated the better class. (Cries of "Vote! vote!'*
"Agreed!'*) Let them impress upon all they know who are
labouring in foreign lands that they are labouring for the God
of Heaven, who sent them, and that they should avoid the
appearance of being connected with the political operations
of the nation sending them.
( 99 )
M. Olaus Kbllbrmann (Cette) said they had voted a reso-
lution in favour of the Armenians, because they had been
persecuted and massacred. They should support the same
principle in regard to missionary work. Missionaries should
be protected. He would make a distinction between diplo-
matic and military protection. They should give diplomatic
counsel to any nation that hurt missionaries.
The resolutions were then put to the meeting and carried,
with only two dissentients.
Dr. Darby proposed that the Congress should adjourn. It
was, however, agreed to continue a short time so as to allow
another subject to be dealt with.
"Pacigerent Neutral Alliances."
Miss P. H. Peckover (Wisbech) — who said that while long
convinced of the value of the idea of neutrality, she was
simply laying before the Congress lessons learned from her
master, K. P. Arnoldson, of Stockholm, and especially of M.
Frederik Bajer, of Copenhagen— -read the following paper on
this subject : —
" The twenty- seventh article of The Hague Convention
declares that * the signatory Powers consider it to be a duty,
in case of an acute contention threatening to break out
between two or more of them, to remind these that the Per-
manent Arbitration Court is open to them ' ; but the method of
carrying this into practical working was left unsettled. Several
attempts were made to reach a satisfactory solution of the
problem, but without success. In the course of debate Mr.
Holls, American delegate, suggested that it would be better
to entrust the presentation of the intervention to the Neutral
Powers rather than to the Secretary-General — an excellent
proposition, but one which presupposes some kind of agree-
ment amongst these Powers. This would render it necessary
that several States should unite so as to form an Alliance,
whose work for Peace should bear fruit; also an internal
arrangement, because surely one of them would have to take
the initiative in proposing Arbitration or Mediation. This
latter arrangement might consist in instituting a kind of
presidency or wardenship, which might each year pass on
H 2
( 100 )
to another of the allied States. They might very properly
succeed to it in alphabetical order. * In this case/ writes
Mr. Bajer, whose project, in his absence, he has asked me
to champion, * the reminder to States in conflict would be
made by a collective note sent by the presidential State (or
warden) in the name of the Alliance. This note should be
drawn up in a form already agreed upon by the Allied
Powers.' This ready-made form would be necessary to enable
the machinery to be put in motion as rapidly as possible.
" Adhesion to the Alliance of which we have just spoken
— and which may be styled ' pacigerent,' as opposed to all
that is covered by the word belligerent — should stand open
to every sovereign State which shall adopt the Statutes
common to the States already allied. This Alliance may be
considered constituted as soon as the original States shall
have in sufficient number diplomatically notified their inten-
tion to the others. The Statutes of the States which have
entered the Alliance should be sent to the other States, in-
viting their adhesion. We need not detail the various points
which would have to be dealt with in these Statutes, only
pointing out that it is desirable that they should include
those which already figure in The Hague Conventions.
Thus, for instance, they should declare that the Allied States
Yrill conclude permanent Arbitration treaties amongst them-
selves, whether special or general, with the aim of making
settlements by peaceful means obligatory in every case in
which they may deem it possible. The States forming the
Alliance which, in view of their international position, should
consider it suitable or possible, could also conclude amongst
themselves permanent treaties of collective neutrality which
they could add to Arbitration treaties. Anyway it would be
indispensable that they should agree upon the principles to
be followed in maintaining rights and fulfilling duties re-
sulting from the new situation ; principles which would serve
as the base of a future code, not only as to their respective
relations, but also towards all the States in general, whose
interest it evidently is to define in a very exact manner the
laws of neutrality, hitherto so uncertain. The history of
maritime law gives an excellent example of this mode of for«
\
( 101 )
mation, which works slowly but surely, as the coral-reefs rise
in the ocean deeps. It is thus, for example, that the six
Alliances of neutrality in the three small Scandinavian
States, between 1691 and the Crimean War, contributed
effectively to laying the foundation of the present maritime
law contained in the Declaration of Paris, April 16th, 1856.
Thus, in short, the presiding Power (Warden) being authorised
by the rest, would, at the moment of conflict or imminence
of it, send a collective note to remind States at variance
that the Permanent Court of Arbitration is open to them.
"As it is sometimes difficult to judge as to the most
opportune moment — neither too soon, nor too late — for such
a missive, it may be well to query whether in certain cases
the offer of * good offices * or mediation by one of the States
of the Alliance might not be preferable to a proposal of
Arbitration. In order to be sufficiently sure of the best
method of procedure, there would need to be a careful, im-
partial, and conscientious study beforehand of the facts out
of which an international conflict might arise, which the
* Commissions intemationales d'enquete,* as instituted by
Articles 7 and 14, would not supply, as they are constituted
only after the parties have failed to come to an agreement by
diplomatic methods. There is needed a permanent commis-
sion of enquiry such as M. L. de Bar, Professor at Gottingen
(a distinguished member of the Institute of International
Law and of the Inter-Parliamentary Conference), suggested
under the title of an 'Academy.' The name, however,
signifies little. Such a permanent commission could be very
well included in the future Nobel Institute which Mr. UUman,
a distinguished Norwegian, late President of the Storthing,
has described as a central establishment for the scientific
study and development of international justice. Why should
not the Alliance utilise this laboratory for the serious ex-
amination of possible causes of war which its beneficent
action might prevent ?
'' Finally, this is the proposition we would submit to the
consideration of all who are interested in the success of the
Conventions voted at The Hague, and especially those re-
lating to the settlement of international disputes. Article 27
( 102 )
lays down a moral duty for the accomplishment of which a
practical machinery must be devised, which might be con-
stituted thus: — Two— perhaps three — States at the least
should form an Alliance, if possible strengthened by treaties
of perpetual neutrality or of permanent Arbitration, or both.
They should establish a plan of rotation for the Presidency
of ' pacigerent ' action. As soon as a conflict breaks out, or
threatens to do so, the State which at the time is the Presi-
dent (Warden) in virtue of the previous indispensable assent
of the Allied States, shall take the initiative, sending a note
to the disputants, pointing out to them the existence of the
Arbitral Court, and the necessity of having recourse to its
intervention. On the other hand, previous to the arising of
international conflict, and with the aim of materially study-
ing questions of facts which might give birth to such conflicts,
it would be desirable to institute a permanent commission
which might be planted upon the splendid foundation of Dr.
Nobel, designed for serving the cause of Peace in the most
effective way, and for helping to realise the principles esta-
blished by The Hague Conference.
"First then, it is necessary to create the Pacigerent
Alliance ; and the Commission of the Peace Bureau at Berne
seems to have understood this so well that, on October Ist,
at Paris, it unanimously adopted the proposition of M. Bajer
to nominate a Committee charged with the study of the most
practical means of creating such an Alliance, composed of
the Baroness von Suttner (Austria), M. H. La Fontaine
(Belgium), M. E. Amaud (France), M. N. Fleva, Envoy-
Extraordinary and Plenipotentiary from Eoumania to Borne,
M. Ducommun (Switzerland), and M. Bajer (Denmark). M.
Arnaud will explain to you the further deliberations at Berne,
May 17th.
" All persons of good intent are invited to help the Com-
mittee in its preparatory studies. When these are completed,
a lively propaganda can begin in favour of realising the idea
during the present century. We shall certainly succeed if
all, whether States or individuals, bring to the work of Peace
in the new era the same enthusiasm which in past ages our
ancestors have thrown into war.''
\
( 108 )
M. Abnaud recalled the fact that a Committee, consisting
of Mme. de Suttner, and of MM. Henri la Fontaine, Emile
Arnaud, N. Fleva, E. Ducommun, and F. Bajer, had been
appointed to study the question of the most practical method
for securing the full operation of Article 27 of The Hague
Convention, which provided " that the signatory Powers con-
sider it a duty, in case a sharp conflict should threaten to
break out between two or more of them, to remind these
Powers that the Permanent Court is open to them." M.
Bajer had produced a scheme of an Alliance which he called
^^ Pacigerent," in contradistinction to belligerent. But as
the Committee had come to no definite decision on various
points it desired to continue its labours. Consequently
M. Arnaud proposed to the Congress : —
[ENGLISH.]
(1) To confirm the Committee of the Study of Pacigerence vn it9
Mission ; (2) to complete the Com/mittee by the addition to it of jti/ris*
consults Uke MM. Lion de MontltiCf Michel Bevon, cmd Merignhac^ cmd
of Peace workers Uke Miss Peckover ; cmd (3) to authorise the Com/ndttee
to add further to its nunibers.
[FRENCH.]
1® de confirmer le Comity d'Studes pour la Padgira/nce dims sa
mission, 2° de completer ce ComitS pa/r Vadjonction de ju/risconsultes
comme MM, L6on de Monthic, Michel Bevon et Merignhacy de person-
naUtSs pacifiques comme Miss Peckover, et 8°, d'autoriser le Comdt4
d s'adjoindre de nov/oea/ux membres.
This was agreed to without discussion or opposition, and
the Congress adjourned at 5.80 p.m.
Thursday Evening, September 12th, 1901.
The further arrangements for the day included a visit of
the members to the International Exhibition, the place
appointed as rendezvous being '' Flint's Tea Booms," in the
Exhibition grounds.
SIXTH AND LAST SESSION.
Fbiday Mobnimg, September 13th, 1901.
Upon Sir Joseph Pease taking the Chair, at ten
o'clock a.m.,
Dr. W. Evans Dabby made some announcements, adding
that he congratulated the Congress on having got to its last
sitting, and so within sight of the end of its labours.
[Obdeb of Business.]
The Pbesident said he concluded that matters still on the
agenda, and not requiring more than a few moments of
explanation, should be taken first, while the others would
have to stand over.
The Next Congbess.
M. Emile Abnaud, on behalf of Commission C, brought
forward the remaining business. He said the first matter to
be decided was the place of the meeting of the next Congress.
Three proposals had been received. In the first place there
was an invitation from the German Society for the Imposi-
tion of Obligatory International Justice to meet next year in
Berlin. Secondly, the Peace Association of Toulouse, through
M. Aubry, invited the Congress to go to that city. Thirdly,
there was an invitation from the Austrian Peace Society at
Vienna. That Society suggested that the Congresses should
be alternated with the Interparliamentary Conferences, and
that the date of the next Congress should be fixed for the
month of September, 1908. It should, therefore, be con-
sidered whether it was not expedient to adjourn the Congress
\
( 105 )
till the year after next. The German delegates at the
Congress did not support the invitation from Berlin, and did
not advise the acceptance of the proposal. Under the cir-
cumstances, there only remained for next year the proposal
to go to Toulouse. Objections might be raised that the Con-
gress met only last year in Paris, and that Toulouse was also
in France. But there was a vast difference between Toulouse
and Paris. Two solutions were open to them: First, to
accept at once the invitation from Toulouse ; and he thought
if they accepted this invitation they would not regret it — they
would have a good reception, and they would do a useful
work. Or, the only other course would be not to settle any
place at that moment, but to leave the matter in the hands of
the Commission of the Berne Bureau to act on its discretion
after consultation with the Societies.
Mr. Alexander supported the latter solution.
Mr. E. D. Mead moved to refer the question to the Berne
Bureau. If it happened that the Congress did not meet
again till 1908, he had no doubt that it would be warmly
welcomed to St. Louis, where a great exhibition was to be
held in that year. He hoped that the Congress would be
held in some conspicuous centre — a description hardly reached
by the city of Toulouse.
The motion was put and agreed to.
M. Abnaud suggested that the Congress should send its
thanks for the invitations which had been sent.
On the motion of Mr. Mead this was agreed to, amid
applause.
These resolutions, as devised, ran :—
[ENGLISH.]
The Congress decides to entrust to the Berne Bureau the mission of
fixing the place and date of the Congress of 1902, It accords its thcmks
for the invitations which have been given to it, and takes special note of
those from Toulouse and Vienna,
[FRENCH.]
Le Congr^s decide de confier au Bureau de Berne la rmssion
d'a/rreter le Ueu et la date du Congres de 1902, II vote des remercie-
ments pour les invitations qtd lui ont H6 faites et prend bonne note de
celles de Toulouse et de Vienna,
( 106 )
The Asbitbal Clause in Commercial Treaties.
Mr. J. G. Alexander moved :
[ENGLISH.]
The Congress re-affirms the desirability of inserting vn all Treaties
of Commerce, and other Conventions of like cha/racter^ a clause sub-
mitting to Arbitration the solution of all differences with regard to these
treaties and conventions. It notes with satisfaction that several Govern-
ments ha/oe procv/red the insertion of this clause in their conventions^
a/nd recommends all other Oovemments to follow this example,
[FRENCH.]
Le Congr^s reconnait a nouveau VutiUte d'insertion dans les traites
de commerce et autres conventions de mSme nature d'une clause stipulant
le recov/rs a V arbitrage pour tous les diffSrents a/uxquels ces conventions
powrrtdent donner Ueu, 11 constate avec satisfaction gue plu^sieurs
Oouvemements out fait i/nsirer une telle clause da/ns leu/rs conventions et
recom/mcmde a tous Us Oouvemements de 9V/ivre cet exemple,
Mr. C. Dalrymple Hall seconded the motion, which was
agreed to.
International Commissions of Inquiry.
M. AuBRT, on behalf of Commission B (International Law),
briefly explained that Mr. Hodgson Pratt bad presented a
memoir on the question of creating an additional organization
to the Official Commissions of Inquiry in case of acute inter-
national disputes contemplated in The Hague Convention, in
the shape of an international organization which would make
investigations, and publish the true facts as to any questions
that might lead to a conflict. Mr. Pratt proposed in it that
the Congress should appoint a Permanent Committee charged
to fulfil this role of Council of Inquiry ; its office might be
established at Berne, by preference at the Peace Bureau ; it
would draw up a list of existing questions in dispute, would
distribute statements on these questions, making them the
object of close study, and would publish representations of
facts with a view to enlightening public opinion. It would
be necessary to vote money for the necessary expenses. This
matter had been before the Paris Congress, but it was now,
ovidng to a lack of time, only possible to remit it for con-
sideration to the Berne Bureau. He therefore moved that
k
b
I
( 107 )
[ENGLISH.]
The Congress remits to the International Bureau at Berne Mr,
Hodgson Pratfs paper on Councils of Conciliation amd Inquiry j and
commissions the Bureau to ensure the largest possible execution of the
measures indicated therein,
[FRENCH.]
Le Congres decide le renvoi am Bureau international de la Paix
du memoire de M, Hodgson Pratt sur les Conseils de conciliation et
d'enquStCy en donna/nt au Bureau mission d'a^su/rer Vexicution la plus
large possible des mssures indiqu6es da/ns ce memoire.
This resolution was agreed to, Dr. W. Evans Darby and
Mr. F. IMoscheles expressing regret that there was no oppor-
tunity to consider such an important subject more fully.
Education and Peace.
Miss M. L. Cooke, on behalf of the Society of Friends,
supported by the Peace Union, and the Liverpool and Birken-
head Women's Peace and Arbitration Society, moved —
[ENGLISH.]
The Congress recommends^ in the interest of Peace by mea/ns of
education^ that prizes be offered to the children and young people in the
public schools and colleges and in private schools, for compositions
dealing with the Peace Question, or any other subject whose direct or
indirect adm is the creation of just and friendly relations among
different races and nations. This recommendation is pa/rticularly
made to those teachers who a/re free to arrange their curriculum ; if
such is not the case the prizes may be offered for essays written during
other tha/n school hours.
History, extracted from manuals chosen with much care ; compara-
tive descriptions of the manners and customs of different peoples, edited
in a large and liberal spirit ; accounts of journeys made i/n the same
spirit; novels, such as ^ Lay Down Your Arms,^ which depict in bold
relief the evils of wa/r — all these writings may be utilised for young boys
and girls able to wnderstam^d them,, whilst for cTdldren of a lower age
use ca/n be made of oral explanations and lectures unth la/ntem slides,
[fbench.]
Le Congrhs recommande, dans Vvnt&rSt de la Paix par Viducation^
que des prix soient offerts a/ux enfants et aux jeunes gens dams les 4coles,
les colUges publics et les icoUs privies, pour des trava/ux aya/nt trait d
la question de la Paix ou d tout a/iii/re sujet dont le but direct ou indirect
( 108 )
est la criaUon de relatioTis eqtdtdblea et andcales entre les ddverses races
et les d/iverses nations, Cette recommcmdation est fadte particuUerement
cu ceux des instituteurs qui sont Ubres d^arranger leur plan d' etudes ; si
tel nest pas le cos, les prix peuvent etre offerts pour des travaux fails
pendant les heures Ubres,
UJiistoire^ extraite de mcmuels choisis avec beaucoup de «om, des
descriptions comparatives des moeurs et coutumes des differents peuples,
ridig^es dans un esprit large et libSraly des comptes rendus de voyages
fcdts dans ce mSme esprit, des nouvelles telles que * Bos Us armes / ' qui
mettent en relief les maux de la guerre, tous ces ecrits peuvent Stre
utilises pour les jeunes garqons et les jeunes filles d mSme de les com-
prendrCf tandis que pour les enfants en plus bas age on se servira
d* explications orales et de narrations avec projections lumineuses.
That motion, said Miss Cooke, was a humble contribution
to the education of children in the spirit of brotherhood, and
she thought the subject did not yield in importance to any
that had been brought before the Congress. (Applause.)
England and some other countries had shown lately how they
suffered from the lack of a knowledge of history, and from the
teaching of history in the old national spirit instead of the
broad international spirit of brotherhood, so that they were at
the mercy of everyone who chose to draw up a sketch which
could hardly be called history. (Hear, hear.) This contri-
buted not a little to the production of "war fever** and to the
ignorance which they all deplored. Therefore she was advo-
cating a plan which had already been tried in England to
some extent, and particularly at Blackheath College, where a
number of prizes were offered for essays on the subject of
Peace, and courses of study were carried on with the aid of
books like 'Lay Down Your Arms,' and Justin McCarthy's
' History of Our Own Times.' In the London Board Schools
also the subject had been brought forward. She asked her
fellow delegates to seriously consider whether they could not
secure the starting of such courses for students in history,
travel, and anything that contributed to the creation of the
sentiment of brotherhood. (Applause.)
Miss Feceoveb, on behalf of the International Alliance of
Women, warmly seconded the motion.
The Abbe Piohot said that Mme. Carlier at Croiselles
(Pas-de-Calais) and Mile. Bodin at Les-Bries-Appugny (Yonne)
were trying to establish an international society for the pacific
( 109 )
*
education of children, and they would no doubt be gratified to
receive suggestions and support.
Mr. Mead said this was a matter of the highest impor-
tance, and he lamented that they could not discuss it
adequately while so much time had been wasted on less
important subjects. They wondered in this country, when
such a question as that of Venezuela arose, that there was
an ebullition of hatred of Britain. The cultivation of that
sentiment was due to false teaching in the schools. (Hear,
hear.) The children had been brought up for three genera-
tions in an utterly false view of history as between America
and England ; and such a prejudice had grown up, that as
soon as an American boy was out of petticoats and into
trousers he set up sticks in the backyard and shot at them
as *' redcoats." The American people had not been taught
that half of the English people at the time of the American
Revolution were what were nowadays called traitors — that
Chatham, Burke, Pox, and others, who were remembered
with gratitude, were " traitors to their country," and friends
of America. (Applause.) It was fundamentally necessary
that they should have a new, progressive, scientific teaching
of history in schools if their children were to grow up into
citizenship with true notions on this' subject. An important
effort was being made in Boston to train up their children
to a true conception of history and citizenship ; but it was
necessary also to train them to true ideas of internationalism
and true ideas of the heroism of industry and Peace as op-
posed to that of war. He rejoiced that at the last moment
the matter had been introduced, and he hoped the Congress
would show how deeply they felt about it. (Applause.)
Mr. MosoHELES said he had been very glad to hear Mr.
Mead's speech, and he wished briefly to support it. If they
wanted to have children taught the principles of Peace, the
thing was to teach them oneself. It had recently been his
duty and privilege to head a deputation to the London School
Board on the subject, and he was very severely cross-
examined as to what he meant to do. He wanted permission
to lecture in the schools under the Board on the subject of
Peace. That was granted, and from sixt to eig;hty children
( no )
in one class had sometimes listened to what he told them
about The Hague Conference. To be sure he had to intro-
duce the subject in a popular way, starting with the query
whether any one of them had ever killed anybody ; that of
course eliciting a chorus of " Noes.'* He asked whether
anyone present would like to kill anybody, to see a knife go
in at one side and come out at the other, and so on. Once
interested, the children were most symphathetic listeners.
He had also been authorised to offer prizes, and in response
to this invitation he got most interesting essays from some
of them, which showed how well they understood and appre-
ciated his arguments in favour of law versus war. It was
sometimes wiser to " lie low " than to rouse opposition, so
the good work had been postponed for a while ; but he and
his friends were quit^ prepared to take it up again at the
earliest opportunity, and not only to address the children
themselves, but groups of the teachers who were daily in
touch with the rising generation. He warmly supported the
motion. (Applause.)
Mrs. Mead said that a collation of many text-books
showed that English children had excellent teaching on
history. That there was so much admirable feeling in the
English child she attributed largely to those excellent text-
books. In America they were not nearly so good.
Professor Quidde said that in the Grand Duchy of Baden
the Peace Societies had obtained authority that the local
government should correct the school books which had taught
Jingoism. Throughout the rest of Germany, however, the
evil still existed.
The motion was then carried nem. con.
[The Anti-duelling Movement.]
Mr. MoscHBLEs moved : —
[ENGLISH.]
The Congre88 has hea/rd luith pleasv/re of the propaga/nda agadnst
duelling that is being ca/rried on by Don Alfonso de Boti/rbon, in Austria,
a/nd by Furst zu Liiwenstevn, in Germa/ny, It endorses their formula of
Deda/ration^ a/nd it cordially supports agitation aga4/nst dueUing in all
cotmtries.
( 111 )
[fbbnoh.]
Le Congres se feUcite d'apprend/re que don Alphonae en Autriche et
le prince de Lowenstein en Allemagne ont enterpris v/ne propagcmde
centre le duel et il appuie cordialement toute agitation enterprise
en se sens,
Le Congres approuve la fonnule de declaration signee pa/r les
adherents de V Association contre le duel.
He asked the Congress without going back on the question of
duelling itself to offer its support to the great movement
started about a year ago by Don Alfonso, the brother of Don
Carlos, and to similar efforts elsewhere. It was interesting to
know that 745 men of position, amongst whom were many
members of the aristocracy, had already 'signed the form of
declaration used in the movement in question, and that it
was going to be more widely circulated still. This formula
was as follows : —
The undersigaed bind themselves by this declaration to labour with
all their strength, as well in their social circles as in their public life, to
spread the movement, the final aim of which is the complete suppression
of the duel. They regard as the expression of a vulgar prejudice the
description of cowa/rd applied to anyone who does not engage in a duel,
and they consider him who, from serious conviction, refuses a duel as a
man of honour for whom they profess the profoundest esteem. They
consider the formation of true "tribunals of honour" as absolutely
indispensable. The decision of these tribunals would give a real satis-
faction to the man to whom unjust offence was given and who would
no longer set himself to find redress by the uncertain way of arms.
He had received a letter from Don Alfonso expressing the
hope that he would have the support of the Congress. (Ap-
plause.)
The motion was carried nem. con.
TOLBTOY AND THE DUKHOBOBTSI. — CONSCRIPTION.
Mr. G. H. Pebbis said that on behalf of the International
Arbitration Association he had brought the following resolu-
tions before Commission C, and in the name of that Com-
mission he now proposed the second and third of them : —
A. In addition to the other lines of effort in favour of international
brotherhood, the Congress recognises the individual refusal to take up
arms as a most important auxiliary, and the organised strike against
( 112 )
military service as the ultimate weapon of democracy against militarism.
Especially, it regards refusal to submit to military compulsion not only
as legitimate and useful, but as an essential moral duty of aU adherents
of the Peace movement.
[enolish.]
B» The Congress records its humble admiration for the sjplencUd
example of the Dukhohortsi in Russia, and small groups of men in
other Continental countries; cmd its gratitude for the genius and,
devotion which one of the greatest living writers, Count Leo Tolstoy ^
has given to the support of the pacific idea as he sees it,
C. The Congress also expresses the hope that the British people^ ruiw
lying under the threat of conscription, tvill awaTce to the meaning of
barraclc-slavery ere it is too late. It believes that by refusing all pUm
of compulsory rmlitary service, the British people will give a great
impetus, both in this and other countries, toward a further considera-
tion of the proposal for cm arrest of armaments, already partly disctbssed
by the envoys of the Powers gathered at The ffague,
[FRENCH.]
I, Le CoThgres exprime son ardente admiration pour Vexemple donne
par les DuTchobortsi russes et pa/r d'autres petites communautes conti-
nentales, II exprime egalement sa gratitude envers Vun des plus grands
litterateurs vivants,le comte Leon Tolstoi, pour le genie et le devouement
quHl a mis au service des idies pacifiques^ telles quHl les entend,
II, Le Congres exprime Vespoir que le peuple anglais, aujourd'hui
sous la menace de la conscription, se reveille avant qu'il soit trop tard
et repousse Vesclavage de la caserne, II croit que le peuple anglais, en
rejetant toutes les propositions de service obligatoire, donnera, da/ns ce
pays comme da/ns les autres, un puissant appui a la question de
desarmement d^'a partiellement discutie par les deUgues des puissances
a La Haye,
He said that considerable opposition to the first motion was
developed in the Commission ; but though it was not adopted,
it was felt to be important enough to be brought forward as
an individual proposition. As discussion was now impossible,
however, he would ask leave to hold motion "A** over, and to
move formally the proposition appreciating the example of
the Dukhokortsi and the work of the greatest living writer
and moralist, Count Tolstoy, and also the motion asking
British people to refuse all plans of compulsory military
service. He also explained that Eesolution B did not imply
any endorsement by the Congress of the ideas of Count
Tolstoy and his disciples, but it was simply the well-deserved
^
( 113 )
expression of the gratitude of the Congress towards the
illustrious defender of a Peace system and an expression of
the just admiration they ought to feel towards those who
risked the heaviest penalties rather than submit to military
service when their conscience forbade.
M. EuYssEN asked that, if the mover would not withdraw
the third proposition also, " B " and '* C ** should be put
separately.
Mr. Ferris said he had withdrawn one motion in deference
to opposition, but he thought these two should now be put to
the vote.
The motions were carried by large majorities.
An International FIste and a Peaoe Flag.
M. Gaston Moch briefly reported on the question of an
international fete, and an international flag, and moved : —
[ENGLISH.]
I. The Congress invites the Peace Societies to celebrate the 18th of
May — anniversary of the opening of The Hague Conference — as an
*' International F^te/* which the nations may he induced to adopt some
day, side hy side with their national anniversaries.
II. The Congress approves in principle the idea of the adoption of a
Peace Societies Flag. It remits the question to the Commission charged
to study the proposition of Mr. Moscheles.
[FRENCH.]
I. Le Congr^s engage les Soci^t^s d. c^l^brer 4 Tavenir le 18 mai,
anniversaire de Touverture de la Conference de La Haye, comme une
Fdte internationale que les nations pourront dtre ainsi amen^es k adopter
en dehors de leurs fdtes nationales respectives.
II. Le Congr^s approuve en principe Tid^e de I'adoption d'un
drapeau des Soci^t^s de la Paix. II renvoie cette question aux Comit^s
charges d'^tudier la proposition de M. Moscheles.
He said that various dates had been suggested for an annual
International Peace Fete, and the Commission had agreed
to recommend the 18th of May, the anniversary of the open-
ing of The Hague Conference. Even if that Conference
should prove to have been a failure, history will go back to
it as the greatest step yet taken toward permanent Peace.
They could still maintain the meeting of February 22nd, but
( 114 )
the great fete should be on May 18th. As to the second
question, it would be pleasant to have a characteristic flag to
hang out or bear in procession ; but as this was primarily a
question of art and symbolism, it could not be easily dis-
cussed in the Congress, and he only asked that the principle
should be approved and the matter be left for ulterior study.
Dr. Dabbt moved that these questions be remitted to
the Berne Bureau for study and presentation to the next
Congress.
Mr. J. P. Green seconded this. He said that in this
country the 22nd of February meetings had already taken
root and had done very good service ; and it would be a great
pity to adopt a new anniversary which would interfere with
what was already being done. Nations differ in their customs,
and what might be popular in France might not be acceptable
elsewhere,
M. Passy thought that they should celebrate May 18th in
some way, but that they should not abandon the February
22nd, because it was an established institution.
Mr. MosoHELES said that as the author of the 22nd of
February meeting he naturally had some paternal feeling for
it. That must not influence him, but he strongly felt that if
M. Moch's resolutions were adopted this would happen : some
societies or countries would celebrate one date and some the
other ; and the whole value of the festival, which depended
upon international unanimity, would be lost. Whatever might
be ultimately decided, that point was essential. Let anyone
celebrate May 18th who wished to do so, but it must not go
forth from the Congress that it should supersede the 22nd of
February, or that some of them might celebrate one date and
some another. (Hear, hear.)
The amendment remitting the subjects to the Berne
Bureau was then put and agreed to.
Free Trade.
M. Emile Arnaud submitted the following resolutions,
which had been sent by Signor Giretti : —
"The Congress re-affirms its sympathy with all efforts
made in favour of Free Trade. It expresses its hope that the
( 115 )
regime of Free Trade will also be adopted with regard to
the colonies, believing that Protectionism is one of the
principal causes of discord, and even of war, between
nations.'*
The subject was handed over to them from the last Con-
gress, and if anyone now rose to oppose it would have to be
again withdrawn.
Dr. W. Evans Dabby said that as the motion opened a
wide field for discussion, he proposed that the subject should
be remitted to the next Congress.
The Bev. J. Spbiggs Smith seconding, this was agreed to.
Bight of Voting at Congresses.
Mr. Pebbis said that Commission G had had before it a
valuable memorandum by Mr. Hodgson Pratt, dealing
especially with the question of the right of voting at the
Congresses. As the impossibility of discussing the matter
on the present occasion was recognised, the Commission
proposed the following motion, which it was hoped would be
at once agreed to : —
[ENGLISH.]
The Congress transnvits to the Berne Bii/recm the mterestmg memoir
that it has recei/ved from Mr, Hodgson Pratt, concerning the revision of
the rules of the Annual Pea,ce Congresses, a/nd instructs the Bureau to
consult the Societies on this question of the revision of the rules.
[FRENCH.]
Le Congres trcmsmet au Bv/reom de Berne Vi/nt^ressa/nt memoire
quHl a requ de M. Hodgson Pratt sur la revision d/u B^glement des
Congrds cmmAieU de la Paix, et donne mission a/u Bureau de consulter
les SocietSs sur cette question de revision.
This resolution was adopted without opposition.
Sebvioes of M. Duoommun.
Mr. J. F. Gbebn, reverting to the letter of Mr. Hodgson
Pratt, introduced in yesterday morning's sitting, said a pro-
posal in recognition of the services of M. Ducommun had
now been drafted which would probably meet with their
approval : —
I 2
( 116 )
[ENGLISH.]
J. — The Congress gladly seizes the occasion of the tenth cmniversary
of the foundation of the International Peace Bureau to express to th
distinguished organiser a/nd director of the Bureanif M. EUe Duconmun,
its profound respect and its UveVy gratitude for the great and dis-
interested services rendered by him to the cause of Peace. It also
resolves to send a telegra/m to M. Ducommun in this sense,
II, — The Congress begs Mr, Hodgson Pratt to take^ in his oivn name,
the necessary steps to bring before the societies and friends of Peace his
proposal to offer to M, Ducormnwn some material proof of their recog-
nition of his services,
[FRENCH.]
I, Le Congrhs sadsit a/oec empressem^ent Voccasion da dfloi^
a/nni/versadre de la constitution du Bu/rea/u international de la Paix
pour ad/resser d VSndnent orgamsateu/r et Directeu/r de ce Bureau^
M, EUe Duconvnvun, Vhommage de son profond respect et de sa tres
vive gratitude pov/r les services consid&rables et entierement desvnteresses
quHl a rendus et qu'il rendra d la cause de la Pojix,
II dScide V envoi d M, Ducommun d^u/n tSUgra/m/me en ce sens,
II, Le Congr^s prie M, Hodgson Pratt ^ auteur de la proposition,
de fa/irCf en son nom^ le nicessadre auprds des SociStes et des a/mis de U
Padx, en vue d*offrir d M, EUe Ducom/nmn un temoignage mat^rul de
sa reconnadssa/nce.
This was received with loud applause, and a telegram was at
once despatched to M. Ducommun.
[Telegram.]
Mr. MoscHELES read a message from the Baroness von
Siittner, who said : " My thoughts are constantly at Glasgow,
and I feel as though I had no right to live outside the Con-
gress." (Applause.)
Appeal to the Nations.
M. Novicow read in French, and Mr. Newman in English,
the following "Appeal to the Nations/* prepared by Com-
mission A : —
[ENGLISH.]
The tenth Unvversal Peace Congress of the Peace Societies of the
whole world, meeting at Glasgow from the 10th to the l^th Septemhefi
1901, cam,not close its work without clea/rly vndicatvng the present dvrec^
tion of the pacific movement.
\
( 117 )
The trend of contemporary Society is more cmd m>ore towards
democracy. The w elf a/re of the wa^e-ea/rrmig classes is hegi/rming to
tahe the first place among the ca/res of poUticia/ns, whilst the astute
combvnations of the dvplomatists fall into the bachgrov/nd. The problem
of poverty looms large. We a/re beginning to see more clearly that the
only way to procure for tlie wrasses of the people am existence worthy
of humanity, is to put am, end to international amxirchy. The question of
the well-beimg of peoples is insepa/rable from that of a juridical umion
(legal relations) between the civilized nations. By continuing the present
condition of international a/na/rchy, not only are millions upon millions
of pounds lost in absolutely unproductive w/ilitary expend/iture, but men
are hindered from turning to account the enormous wealth contanmed in
' our earth. Everywhere, the hostility of nations raAses a barrier to ' the
free movement (circulation) of workmen from, one coumtry to amother,
amd to commercial intercourse; and, production falling appreciably
below what it ought to be, poverty vmiversally prevails.
The time is come when everybody must realise that the question of
Peace is a question of Bread, The triumph of Free Trade was secure
when the great statesmam Bichard Cobden had presented it clearly amd
in a striking mamner to the English people. Just so, will the pa^dfic
movement aoqu/ire am irresistible force when the masses of the people
a/re made to v/nderstamd that the suppression of poverty is only possible
by a juridical umion (such as would be secured by a legal i/ribu/nal)
among the civilized nations.
Passing to other considerations, amd having in view the events of
recent years as well as the dark outlook of the immediate future,
the Congress believes it useful once more solemnly to affirm the
general principles laid dovm by the Peace Congress held in Borne in
1891, viz, ;—
" The moral right of conquest has no existence;
" Nations ha/oe am inalienable amd imprescriptible right freely to
di^ose of themselves;
" The a/utonomy of every nation is inviolable,'*
Appel aux Nations.
M. Novicow, President de la Commission des Actualites,
donne lecture de Ij'Appel aux Nations prepare par cette Com-
mission. En voici le texte : —
Le ddxieme Congrds universel des Societes de la Pa4^ du monde
entier, reumi a Glasgow du 10 aM 13 septembre 1901, ne peut pas clore
ses trava/ux sans imdiquer nettement la direction actuelle du mouvement
pacifique,
Les societes contemporadmes tendent dephis en plus vers la democratic,
Les interits des masses d^sheritees passent au premier plain des preoccupa-
tions des hommes poUtiques^ les habiles combimaisons des diplomates au
( 118 )
teeond, Pa/rtout le prohUme de la nUs^e se pote d^wne fa^on wnperieute
et TedoutahU, et ohaque jotMr on commence d vovr phis cladrement que
Vuntque moyen de procurer omx masses popvXoA/res v/ne existence cUgne
de Vhommfie est de mettre fin d Vcuna/rchie vntemationale. La question
du hien-Stre des peuples et oeUe de Vwnion jv/ridique des Etats cwiUsii
sont absolmnent connexes. En effet^ pa/r swite de VanarcMe actueUe,
non seulement des miUa/rds et des miUa/rds sont perdus en depenses
m/iUtaires absolwment improductives, moM, de plus, les hommes sont
empSches de mettre en exploitation les richesses enormes enfermees dcm
notre globe. L*hostiUte des nations dresse pa/rtout des obstacles a la
circulation des tra/omUeu/rs et des m,a/rcha/ndi8es, et la prod/nction
restcmt sensiblement vnf&rieu/re a ce qu'eUe devrait etre, la mishre est
wrwoerseUe.
Uheure est venue ou tous les honvmes vont comprendre que la
QUESTION DB LA Paix cst la QUESTION DU PAIN. De w4me que le grcmd
Cobden a pu /aire iriompher la cause du libre echa/nge d^ qu*il Va
presentee au peuple cmgUds sous une forme nette et frappomte^ de
m>&me le mowoement pacifique acquerra une puissa/nce irresistible
qua/nd les masses populaires comprend/ront que la suppression de U
misdre n^est possible que pa/r Vetahlissement d^une union juridique det
peuples civilises.
Passant d un a/utre ord/re de considerations et anfo/nt en vue Us
iv^nements des demUres a/nnees, a/msi que les sornbres perspectives da
Vavenir im/mediaty le Congrbs croit utile d'ajffirmer solenneUemeni
encore wne fois Us pri/ncipes genera/ux qu'il a elabores pendant sa
session de Borne en 1891:
U n^existe pas de droit de conquSte.
Les peuples ont le d/roit inalienable et imprescriptible de disposer
Ubrement d^eux-mSmes.
L*a/utonomie de toute nation est inviolable.
As President of the Commission on Actualities, M. Novi-
cow recalled the fact that at the opening of the Congress he
had referred to the place which Watt, the inventor of the steam-
engine, had given to Glasgow in the Peace movement. Now,
at the conclusion, he would remind them of quite another
man, not a native of Glasgow, but a man who worked in that
city long as professor — Adam Smith. He likewise contri-
buted greatly to the cause of Peace, because he recognised
and helped the cause of commercial union throughout the
world. Adam Smith wrote that the selfishness of commercial
men would make it a long mission to carry out the principles
he described ; yet only fifty years later commercial men asked
that his principles should be carried out. That was not be-
( 119 )
cause they had ceased to be selfish, but because they saw that
self-interest and Free Trade coincided. So, in the future, a
new Cobden and Bright would arise and convince the mass of
people that Peace was the highest expression of their self-
interest, and would so lead to the establishment of a system
of freedom, union, and peace. (Applause.)
Mr. W. T. Stead wished to call attention to the final
clause of the '' Appeal," which solemnly affirmed as a general
principle that '^the right of conquest has no moral existence."
That was a sound principle expressed in plain words, which,
being translated, meant that that Congress pronounced its
anathema upon any Power that took away the inalienable
right of people to own themselves, and that asserted the
moral right of conquest, and attempted by superior force
to crush out the existence of the independent republic of
the Transvaal. (Loud cheers.)
The " Appeal " was then put, and carried nem, con.
Votes op Thanks.
Dr Dabby moved : —
'' That the best thanks of the Congress be accorded to the
Lord Provost and the Magistrates of the City of Glasgow, for
the generous hospitality extended to the Congress."
This was carried by acclamation, as was also a similar
vote of thanks moved by him to the Provost and Corporation
of Paisley.
Dr. Tbueblood moved : —
'' That the thanks of the Congress be accorded to the
Berne Bureau, the Deliberations Committee, and the Com-
mittee of Organisation for their work, and to those who have
given private hospitality to the delegates."
He expressed his sense of the great and efficient efforts
which had been made by the Organising Committee to secure
that all arrangements should work smoothly.
This was carried amid applause.
Mr. J. F. Gbeen moved a vote of thanks to the Acting-
Presidents, Dr. Spence Watson and Sir Joseph Pease, whose
eminent services to the cause of Peace for many years past
were well-known to them all. (Applause.)
( 120 )
In thanking the Congress on behalf of Dr. Spence Watson
and himself, Sir Joseph Pease said he must apologise for his
lack of acquaintance with the work of conducting a two horse
team such as a double-language Congress. (Laughter.) But
coming there had animated him afresh, and it must have
done them all good to meet each other and feel that so many
men and women from different countries were bound to each
other in the same great cause. (Applause.)
Miss Ellen Bobinson pointed out that Dr. Trueblood's
name should have been included in the list of Acting-
Presidents. (Hear, hear.) The addition was warmly
accepted.
Mr. Green moved a vote of thanks to the representatives
of the Press who had attended the Congress, to whom a deep
debt of gratitude was owing for their full and accurate reports.
(Cheers.)
This ended the business of the Congress.
SUBSEQUENT PEOCEEDINGS.
Immediately after the rising of the Congress the members
adjourned to the next room, where they partook of an in-
formal luncheon, which had been provided by the Organisa-
tion Committee.
At 1.15 a special train left the Charing Cross Station of
the North British Eailway for Craigendoran Pier, where the
excursionists embarked on board the fine steamer, 'Waver-
ley,* and proceeded down the Firth of Clyde and through
the Eyles of Bute as far as Tighnabruaich, the voyage skirt-
ing the shores of the Firth and the out-branching lochs. The
threatening aspect of the weather, while it detracted some-
what from the beauty of the landscape, afforded visitors an
opportunity of seeing these features of the landscape under
peculiar and yet characteristic aspects. Otherwise the trip
was an ideal one.
The members of the Congress returned to the Charing
Cross Station at 7.80, and at once proceeded to the Berkeley
Hall, where they were entertained at a banquet provided
\
( 321 )
by the Committee of Organisation. Lord Provost Chisholm
presided, and in the course of an opening speech made
sympathetic reference to the serious condition in which
President McKinley at that moment lay. He was sure, he
said, that the intelligence which had that evening been re-
ceived in the city, that the condition of the President was
one calling for the most serious apprehension, had gone to
the heart of this great country, and made all its people
sympathise most deeply with our frieuds across the sea. Yet
while there was life there was hope ; but whether the life of
the President should be long or short, whatever might be the
result of his illness, he (the Lord Provost) was sure that
the sympathy of the British people had been deeply roused
and touched, and that fresh and tender bonds had been
created between the two great divisions of the English-
speaking people which would bring them more closely
together as one people, which, after all, they were. (Ap-
plause.) Dr. Trueblood, M. Frederic Passy, Mr. F.
Moscheles, Mrs. Mead, Mr. J. F. Green, and others, also
spoke, the oratory assuming the lighter character incidental
to such gatherings.
APPENDIX.
NOTE ON THE EIGHT OF VOTING AT THE
ANNUAL PEACE CONGEESS.
By Mb. Hodgson Pratt.
I venture to suggest for consideration whether the present
Statutes on the subject of voting at the Annual Peace Con-
gress do not require abolition or amendment.
Before proceeding further, I would observe that the
present Statutes are not always strictly observed, and that
if the practice of voting is to be continued, some sup-
plementary Eules should be adopted. As regards Statute
No. 2, 1 am of opinion that Societies frequently neglect to
select and formally appoint delegates to these Congresses.
The practice is that members of Peace and other Societies,
without such previous appointment, present themselves at
the Congress, after obtaining tickets of admission and voting
cards from the Local Committee. I would observe, however,
that the members can hardly, in such a case, be termed
^' delegates," and that all persons attending in that capacity
should have some communication with their respective com-
mittees as to the course they should adopt in reference to the
several questions on the programme. Moreover, it is quite
possible, under the present arrangements, for representatives
of one and the same Society to vote in contrary senses. For
instance, I could name a Society which, every year, appoints
two or more members, not of its own but of another Society,
to represent them at the Congress; but without any instruc-
tions as to the course they should adopt when votes are
taken. In this case the two or three representatives thus
( 124 )
appointed do not consult together, but vote quite indepen-
dently of each other, and sometimes on opposite sides.
As regards Statute No. 8, I feel doubtful whether it is
strictly observed, and I hope that the expediency of its
provisions may be discussed. It does not follow that the
more numerous Society has always a proportionate amount
of wisdom. My fidelity to democratic principles may per-
haps be impugned when I make that remark, but this opinion
seems to me to be founded on experience. Apart from the
laxity which at present exists in carrying out the existing
Statutes on this subject, I am inclined to object altogether
to the practice of voting at these Congresses. The voters
are not selected on account of their knowledge, experience, or
other qualifications. The audience is a haphazard one, and
may consist, to some extent, of persons who have not at all
studied the questions in debate. In a legislature, votes lead
to definite results, such as the adoption or rejection of pro-
posed projects of law, wherein the interests of a whole
nation are at stake. Our debates, however, are more or
less academic, and end in resolutions which bind no one and
are often forgotten. And, as I have said, the voters are not
selected by their supposed constituents, and receive no in-
structions from them. It is therefore very much a matter
of accident whether any particular resolution is adopted or
rejected.
For these reasons, I think that the practice of voting
should cease. If, however, that view is not accepted, I
suggest that the existing rules should be more strictly
observed by the Societies, and some supplementary rules
adopted for that purpose. I submit the following : —
1. A few weeks previous to the Congress, the Committee
of each Society desiring to appoint delegates shall by circular
inquire of every member whether he or she desires to be
nominated, and the replies of those who answer in the
affirmative shall be reported to a meeting of the Committee,
who will then make the necessary appointments. The Secre-
tary will then forward to every delegate so appointed a formal
letter, which he or she will present to the Secretary of the
Congress.
\
( 126 )
2. So far as possible, every delegate shall be informed
what coarse the Committee desire him or her to take in
reference to the several subjects on the programme.
8. Every delegate shall have a vote C deliberative"), and
no other persons whatever shall vote at the Congress.
4. No Society shall have the power of appointing persons
as delegates who are not members of that Society.
5. Every delegate, shall report to his Committee, orally
or in writing, what votes he gave, with such further informa-
tion relating thereto as he thinks important.
RETROGRESSION :
OR, THE Proposal to form New Treaties op Arbitration
BETWEEN the StATBS SIGNATORY TO ThB HaGUE •
Convention.
Presented for the Consideration of the Tenth Universal Peace
Congress at Glasgow.
By W. Evans Darby, LL.D.,
Secretary of the Peace Society,
The aims of the Peace movement have been very definite.
For nearly thirty years of its history the Peace Society con-
tented itself mainly with bearing its testimony against war,
and on behalf of methods of Peace. Then it made what its
leaders considered a new departure. It began to agitate in
favour of what has come to be technically called ** permanent
Arbitration," and sought to have its principles directly
applied in practice. It was seen that however beautiful the
theory of Peace might be, it was only when the theory
crystallised itself, so to speak, in action, that any real pro-
gress could be made. Roughly speaking, this new departure
dates from the year 1848. At the London Peace Convention
of that year an address was unanimously adopted, and sent
to '*The Governments of the Civilised World,'* urging "the
recognition of the principle of Arbitration, and the introduc-
tion of a clause into treaties, binding themselves to refer all
( 126 )
diflferences that may arise to the adjudication of one or more
friendly Powers.'*
From that time progress has been very rapid. Not only
has there been a larger number than ever before of instances
of occasional Arbitration, and have numerous provisions been
inserted in international treaties providing for Arbitration,
but the advocates of Peace have been gaining a more definite
and distinct idea of what was necessary to give practical
effect to their principles. For some time, therefore, they
have had before them a distinct goal. ^' What we are seek-
ing," said Mr. Hodgson Pratt, in a paper read before the
London Peace Congress of 1890, "is to create what is termed
by jurists a * legal order,' or a condition of things in the
civilised world whereby all disputes shall be so decided as to
secure absolute justice, and so eliminate the decision of such
questions by a resort to force." And he urged that with this
object, " our present efforts should be mainly directed to the
constitution of the proposed International Tribunal."
It was seen that, however useful "occasional" Arbitration
might be in " eliminating " the resort to force in particular
instances. Arbitration could reach its final development only
in a permanent and organized system, and that for the
"juridical status" between nations — the "legal order" of
the jurists — the Permanent Tribunal was a necessity.
The Hague Convention gave us this. Herein lay its
significance. It was the actual beginning of the " legal
order." It was not simply an encouraging and hopeful in-
cident in the progress of the movement; it was not merely
the fair first-fruits of the harvest ; it was unspeakably more :
it was the establishment, between twenty-four States consti-
tuting the great majority of the nations of the earth, of the
Permanent Court, which it was agreed (Article 21) " shall
have jurisdiction of all cases of Arbitration, unless there shall
be an agreement between the parties for the establishment of
a Special Tribunal." That is, there might be some reason
for special action and arrangement outside the Permanent
Court ; otherwise, it was to have jurisdiction of aU cases of
Arbitration which might arise. The progress was greater
than anyone had dared to anticipate. But the Signatory
'\
( 127 )
Powers could not bring themselves to agree that all eases of
difference should be referred to the Court. That was left an
open question — "facultative** — and so the way was purposely
left in the Convention for the Powers to agree between them-
selves to do this, and to form treaties, binding themselves to
do so, thus making the agreement '' obligatory " instead of
optional.
It is here that the danger of retrogression comes in. It
is now proposed to the Friends of Peace that they shall bend
their energies to the promotion of general treaties of Arbitra-
tion between States, as if they were what the Convention
contemplated, whereas they are quite different. The Hague
Convention itself is such a treaty, and that has been
signed, sealed, and ratified, between the Signatory States. No
new treaty is necessary to do what has been done by it.
The next thing is to give effect to it, and to extend its pro-
visions, so as to make them apply to all cases of dispute
which may arise.
This proposal is made under the guise of friendship and
zeal for Arbitration. Let us examine the facts however. The
first, following the chronological order, is from the ' Times,*
which says :
" It will be remembered that Baron Lambermont, of the Bel-
gian Ministry for Foreign Affairs, recently accepted the post of
Arbitrator in two disputes between Great Britain and France : one
in relation to the confiscation by England of the French vessel
' Sergent Malamine,* and the other as to a misunderstanding
between French and English soldiers, during th« pursuit of native
tribes in the Hi/nterlcmd of Sierra Leone, when' shots were ex-
changed."
This seems, on the face of it, innocent enough. We have
become accustomed to this method of Arbitration. It con-
tinues :
** Baron Lambermont, in conformity with the rules of pro-
cedure laid down at The Hague Conference, will shortly have the
necessary documents placed in his possession, and a vote to this
effect was recently passed in the French Chamber.*'
But an arbitrator not appointed under The Hague Con-
vention cannot be subject to its provisions. This is the
specious, mischievous element, for it connects it, by associa*'
( 128 )
tion of ideas, with The Hague Convention, as if it were some-
how connected with it, instead of being a departure from, and
a denial of, it. This will be seen from the next sentence :
" It appears, however, that Baron d'Estournelles de Constant,
who took a leading part at The Hague Conference, has addressed
a protest to M. Delcass^ on the ground of irregularity of proce-
dure, contending that Baron Lambermont should not have been
approached direct, but through the intermediary of the Permanent
Court of Arbitration, now definitely constituted at The Hague. A.
similar protest has also been addressed to the British Government.
The incident, though trifling in itself, is likely to have an interest-
ing result — namely, the utilization of The Hague tribunal for the
first time by two of the Signatory Powers."
Were this all, the incident might have seemed an over-
sight, or, perhaps, what M. Delcasse represented it to be in
his reply, owing to some special circumstance, although, by
the way, there has been, and in the completion of the
Arbitration under this arrangement there could be, no utili-
zation of " The Hague Tribunal'*; that is the irregularity
which is protested against.
Since then, however, M. d'Estournelles has written a long
letter in the ^ Temps ' to prove that the Arbitration Court of
The Hague is becoming a dead letter :
^^The Court, he declares, has been deliberately doomed to a
lingering death. No Government, he argues, was bold enough to
refuse the Tsar's appeal. The nations saw in that appeal a
glimmering of the light of Universal Peace, but the Governments
have since been doing their best to extinguish that light, because
they feared that the new order of things would reduce their power
and their prerogatives. The Governments gave promises at the
Coijference, the chief being for a Permanent Court of Arbitration.
It is another thing to keep those pledges. Yet the Governments
have done all in their power to strangle the Court at its birth ;
and, as it persists in living, they conspire to let it die of inanition.
Even the Waima and * Sergent Malamine ' affair was referred to a
special arbitrator, without a thought of The Hague Court, and yet
the Court is still waiting for its first trial. The Hague Convention,
he concludes, has already become a dead letter.*'
This serious statement of the Baron de Constant is corro-
borated by other circumstances. Still more recently, at the
Conference of the International Law Association, the Fresi-
denty in his inaugural address, speciaUy advocated the revival
\
( 129 )
of the Anglo-American General Treaty, which was signed but
not ratified, and described it as "embodying more of the
principles upon which a general treaty might proceed than
any other treaty that had ever been published." The reader
of a paper on the subject advocated the revival of that, and
a similar treaty signed between Italy and the Argentine
Eepublic, but not ratified — both of which were prior to The
Hague Conference — and advanced, as we understood him, the
extraordinary doctrine that The Hague Conference was an
interruption in the Arbitration movement, and it was now
necessary to take that up at the point where the interruption
took place. Another paper introduced the following resolu-
tions, which were adopted almost unanimously: — (1) That
this Association views with satisfaction all attempts to widen
the scope of Arbitration as a permanent means of solving
difficulties between States ; (2) That it regrets the failure of
the efforts to carry a permanent Treaty of Arbitration between
Great Britain and the United States, and trusts that the
Governments of these two countries will continue the work
they have so admirably begun; and (3) that, in view of
the favourable opinions expressed by the friends of Peace and
the public generally in France, it is desirable and opportune
that efforts be made to bring about the conclusion of a similar
treaty between Great Britain and France. The Hague Con-
vention is here absolutely ignored.
We understand that these, or similar, resolutions are to
be put before the forthcoming Peace Congress. Already an
agitation has arisen to get them adopted by the Peace
Societies, and some have already been approved. It is well,
however, to see where all this is leading us. Thus the
' Scotsman,' commenting on the Conference, says, " Peace
would be far more assured if we had an authoritative treaty
providing a recognized machinery by which quarrels might
be adjusted." It is assumed that The Hague is not of this
kind, and does not do this. This was, beyond doubt, the
position taken by the International Law Conference, and this
is the position which the advocates for Peace are now asked
to take. The reason for it, as stated by another Scotch paper
of repute, the ' Glasgow Herald ' (August 21st), is that threats
K
( ISO )
have been made '' to bring Great Britain to her knees by an
application of the Convention/' Some of our friends have
striven for this, too, and lo ! the mischief they have done.
This paper says, " The ordinary man will be most deeply im-
pressed, and perhaps astonished, by the general belittling of The
Hague Convention at the Conference. If belittling is too strong
a word, it is not too much to say that there was a common
assumption that the Convention was a mere beginning of the
great work of assuring the world against war." This estab-
lishes our point, except that the Hague Convention was not
even considered a beginning, for the proposal was to set it
aside, with the solatium of faint praise, by reverting to earlier
abortive, but similar, treaties to do the same work.
The Glasgow Herald continues : " The fact which the
International Law Congress has emphasised, not discovered,
is that, as Mr. Barclay, President of the British Chamber of
Commerce in Paris, put it, there is not yet in existence an
instrument capable of preventing war between any two
nations on the pretexts which are the most likely causes of
war." Do the Peace Societies say this ? Is this their
attitude towards The Hague Treaty ? Let them, at any
rate, be consistent.
These general treaties, it must be noted, would have been
quite in order, and the arguments put forward would have
been quite valid, had there been no Hague Convention. The
existence of that makes all the difference. As it is, the parties
forming fresh treaties will, by that very act, withdraw them-
selves from The Hague Convention. They cannot carry out
their new agreement and that too ; every such treaty there-
fore, must, to the extent of its provisions, supersede The
Hague Treaty, which thus becomes a dead letter.
It is difficult to deal with this specious and plausible
movement, lest any attempt to do so should be made to
appear, which might easily be done, as opposing " attempts
to widen the scope of Arbitration," and so forth. That is not
the point. Let it once be seen what place is occupied by The
Hague Convention, already solemnly binding on all its signa-
tories, and what it has really accomplished by its establish-
ment of a Permanent Court, and then the real significance of
\
( 131 )
the proposal to form other general treaties, establishing other
tribunals, will at once be apparent ; and it will be seen also
that, if the workers for Peace are drawn away in the new
direction, or rather induced to return on their steps to the
statm quo ante The Hague Convention, they are really defeat-
ing that which is the crowning achievement of their efforts,
and the highest prophecy of the fulfilment of their hopes.
If any Signatory Power, for selfish purposes, refuses
honourably to keep its pledges, that neither discredits nor
belittles the treaty, but itself. If it seeks to set it aside, lest
it should minister to its own condemnation, that is no
reason why the workers for Peace, who have so long laboured
in face of opposition, should join the conspiracy.
It is easy to understand that the Governments would wish
to keep things in their own hands, as has been avowed in
support of this movement. It is clear, too, that any really
international scheme, and of " obligatory " Arbitration more
even than of "facultative,*' would reduce the power and
prerogative of individual Governments. But we are not
interested in preserving the power and prerogatives of
existing Governments— that is not our business; and the
wise and consistent policy of the workers for Peace will be
to conserve what we have already attained, to carry it still
further in the direction of a universal *' legal order," and so
make it a real stepping-stone to the era of permanent and
universal Peace through the reign of Law and Love — of Love
as sovereign, and Law as executive Power of the universal
Kingdom of Peace and righteousness which is to be.
" Facultative " and ** Obligatory."
A clear understanding of these terms is necessary.
'* Facultative," as used in connection with The Hague
Arbitration Convention, does not mean that it is "optional"
whether the Signatory Powers shall fulfil their obligation to
carry out the Convention, and to use the Tribunal, or not.
The whole of the proceedings in which these Powers have
been taking part would amount to a solemn farce if it meant
that. It means only that it is left " optional " whether they
K 2
( 132 )
will refer to the Court, or not, the particular differences as
they arise — each being determined on its own merits. The
obligation honourably to fulfil their solemn engagements is
not affected at all — that remains intact.
" Obligatory," as used in this connection, simply means
that the Powers may by Treaty pledge themselves beforehand
to submit all cases of difference, except any that may be
specifically designated, to the Court, as they arise, thus
creating for themselves a new moral and legal obligation —
and, hence, making Arbitration "obligatory** in each case.
The proposal of the 19th Clause is not that new Treaties
shall be formed to make The Hague Convention itself obliga-
tory — that would be absurd. It is obligatory already to the
extent of its terms. I repeat that both the moral and legal
obligation to carry out The Hague Convention, as far as it
extends, already exists — nothing could make it stronger ; and
it is not in the slightest degree affected by the fact whether
the appeal to the Court is, in each case of difference, ** faculta-
tive " or " obligatory.'*
Again, the term "obligatory,** as used in Article 19, does
not mean that the Powers signing such Treaties as are there
contemplated become amenable to some obligation, compul-
sion or coercion, enforced by the other Powers ; that has
been never mentioned, or even dreamt of by the advocates
of coercion, who cannot get away from the employment of
physical force. It refers solely to the obligation they create for
themselves by the new Treaty entered into. In the first place,
if ^^ obligatory^' meant anything of the kind, no Government
would accept the position involved, for that would be to
sacrifice freedom. And, in the second place, international
jurists, and advocates of Peace generally, could not support
such a proposal. That would be to give us the old system
under a new guise, only labelled **Law *' and "Peace." It
would soon result in the evils and conflicts of the old system ;
in a very little while armies would be necessary to compel the
submission of the recalcitrant, and the sacred cause of Peace
and International Order would be perverted into the occasion
of new wars of which it, in time, would become the fruitful
mother.
( 188 )
There is great danger lest the use of the term "obligatory,"
by suggesting some means of compelling an appeal to Arbi-
tration, which does not now exist, may result in the formation
of too low an estimate of the value and validity of The Hague
Convention. This can be avoided only by a clear understand-
ing of the terms used, and the ends sought.
How IT WOULD Work.
The proposal is, that general Treaties of Arbitration, on
the model of the Anglo-American of 1897, and the Italo-
Argentine of 1898, which were signed but not ratified, should
be entered into by every two Powers, beginning say with Great
Britain and the United States of America, Great Britain and
France, and so on. I say nothing of the value of these
documents. They may, as Lord Alverstone has affirmed of
the former Treaty, embody more of the principles on which a
general Treaty of Arbitration might proceed than any other
State paper which has ever been published. That is not the
point at issue. Either of them might ** still be the starting-
point," as he expressed it, if the starting had not already taken
place. But what would follow the proposal now made ?
This would follow. Each treaty as it was formed — that
between Great Britain and the United States, to wit — would
withdraw from the cognisance of, and from all connection
with, the Permanent Court at the Hague, the whole of the
difficulties which may in future arise between the two Powers
forming the treaty. They would have their own Tribunals, or
sets of Tribunals, provided for by the Treaty. This would
happen in the case of each new treaty.
The consequence^ would be that the Permanent Court would
be more and more superseded, until in time, short or long,
according to the success or otherwise of the movement, there
would be no constituency left, and the Court would become
non-existent. We should then have Permanent Arbitration,
it is true, but the present world-wide combination of States
for the purpose of Arbitration would be dissolved. Such a
suicidal course was never contemplated by Article 19 of the
Hague Convention, its provisions were too wisely framed for
that. The Treaties it contemplates are those between States,
( 184 )
«
binding them to sabmit all differences, except any specially
designated, as they arise, to the Permanent Tribunal, and no
other, except in special cases. This is specifically provided in
Article 21. The more the Hague Convention is studied the
more one is struck by its practical, diplomatic common-sense
and wise arrangements.
The new policy succeeds, let us suppose, absolutely and to
the fullest extent. What then ? We shall have a number of
dual combinations ; at least twenty-four general treaties, and
possibly more (in point of fact, the actual numerical combina-
tions amount to two hundred and seventy -six), and, as in the
Anglo-American Treaty, which is the accepted model, three
tribunals are provided for, at least thrice twenty-four (or even
three times two hundred and seventy-six, or eight hundred
and twenty-eight), tribunals, instead of one treaty and one
tribunal, as at present. But what, then, becomes of the gain
to International Law, and what of the '' juridical status"
between nations ? What real increase of the juridical system
would it involve ? When this object were reached — ^if ever it
were, which is most unlikely — we should be still as far as ever
from our goal.
It would be necessary, then, to begin a fresh agitation for
the combination of all the groups so formed, before a really
universal International system should be established. ** The
federation of the world, the parliament of man,'* would be
relegated to the dim and misty distance of a future made
more remote by the failure of the present defeated attempt.
To day they are accomplished facts in the Hague Agreement,
and its Permanent Court. The main thing is to make these
vital and effective, and to do everything in our power to
defeat the conspiracy of the Governments which are anxious
to preserve their power and prerogatives, if, as affirmed by
Baron d'Estournelles de Constant, it really exists. By all
means urge the formation of treaties for " obligatory '* Arbi-
tration, as provided for in Article 19 of The Hague Convention,
or even the formation of any other treaties, the object of
which is to make the Permanent Tribunal effective or to
extend its scope and efficiency. But let us also remember
that the success of any project which renders The Hague
( 186 )
Convention abortive will leave us with all the work of
forming an international juridical system to do over again,
even though for the moment it may seem to advance the
cause of Arbitration, which the advocates of Peace have so
closely and constantly at heart.
NOTES ON PUBLICATIONS.
"The Armenian Question* : — The Eeport of Mr. H. Arake-
lian, referred to in the Beport of Commission A, page 44, has
been separately printed and published, as follows: — " Xme
Congres Universel de la Paix — A. Actualites — La Question
Armenienne au point de vue de la Paix Universelle. Geneve :
Imprimerie Eomet, 26, Boulevard de Plain-palais."
" ' Permanent Arbitration ' in Modern International
Law " : — A paper read at the Conference of the International
Law Association in Glasgow, by W. Evans Darby, LL.D.
Published by the Peace Society, 47, New Broad Street,
London, E.C.
** How TO Increase the Efficiency of the Peace Move-
ment " : — A paper by M. J. Novicow, Odessa. Printed in
French and English by the Committee of Organisation, and
published at the Office of the Congress, 47, New Broad Street,
London, E.C.
" Les Causes Economiques des Gubrres Modernes '* : — A
paper presented to the Congress on behalf of the "Associa-
tion de la Paix par le Droit " by M. J. Prudhommeaux,
Secretary, and referred to Commission C. Published by
E. Nicolas, Imprimeur-Editeur, Lyon.'*
" The Hague Conference of Peace " : — A pamphlet giving
the text of The Hague Conventions, and the Eules of War.
Presented to the Congress by W. T. Stead. Published at
Mowbray House, Norfolk Street, Strand, London, W.C.
Also " L'Union Internationale.'* Published at 252, Eue
de Bivoli, Paris.
{ 136 )
" The Wobk of the Peace Societies " : — How to widen
their programme. Presented to the Congress by M. Jean
de Bloch. Printed at the Observer Works, Chatham.
Copies of these papers were presented to the members of
the Congress, and with a number of other publications, ex-
posed for distribution or sale at a stall in the entrance,
presided over by Mr. J. McNaughton.
TBANSLATOR :—
The Translations in the Congress were admirably made
by Mr. Adolphe Smith, of London, whose office was by no
means a sinecure.
\
DELEGATES ATTENDING THE PEACE CONGRESS
1901.
GREAT BRITAIN.
Peace
Sib Joseph W. Pease, Babt., M.P.
Miss Pease.
Mrs. Henbt Richabd.
Miss Evans.
Miss P. H. Peckoveb.
Walter Hazell.
W. Evans Darby, LL.D.
Rev. a. Mackennal, D.D.
John Mather.
f. moscheles.
Miss Ellen Robinson.
W. P. Thompson.
Thomas Wright.
Miss Wright.
Society,
J. G. Alexander, LL.B.
W. J. Begg.
E. Russell Brayshaw.
Miss Cherry.
Ex- Provost James Clark.
A. Ernest Darby.
Augustus Diamond, B.A.
Francis W. Fox.
J. HoYLAND Fox.
Jas. H. Midgley, J.P.
R. Spence Watson, LL.D
T. P. Newman.
Mrs. Newman.
Mrs. Quelch.
International Arbitration and Peace Association,
J. Frederick Green.
Felix Moscheles.
Mrs. Moscheles.
G. H. Perris.
S. J. Capper.
Dr. J. H. Gladstone, F.R.S.
Arthur Bonner.
Mrs. Bradlaugh-Bonner.
W. P. Byles.
Mrs. Byles.
Tyneside Branch of the 1,A, and P,A,
Frank L. Ogilvie. | Miss E. C. Mawson.
Mrs. Richardson.
Society of
J. G. Alexander, LL.B.
Mrs. M. a. Marriage Allen.
Wm. King Baker, C.C.
Thomas Barrow.
W. J. Begg.
Mrs. E. M. H. Biglanp.
Robert Bird.
A. Kemp Brown, M.A.
Francis J. Clark, J.P.
Miss M. L. Cooke.
Francis W. Fox.
J. HoYLAND Fox.
Miss Joan M. Fby.
Prof. J. Rendel Harbis, M.A.,
D.Lit.
Friends,
John Holdswobth.
s. f. hurnard, j.p,
Miss I. Metford.
J. H. Midgley, J.P,
T. P. Newman.
Mrs. J. E. Newman
Miss P. H. Peckover.
Miss Ellen Robinson.
Joseph Stubge.
Miss Fbances Thompson.
Pbof. Silvanus p. Thompson,
D.Sc, F.R.S.
Miss Maby White.
Miss Mabgabet Youell.
( 138 )
Peace Convmittee of the Society of Frienda,
Miss M. L. Cooke.
Peace Union, Auxiliary of the Peace Society,
Miss M. L. Cooke.
Miss E. Bobinson.
Mrs. Henry Bichard.
Miss Evans.
Wisbech Local Peace Association,
Miss P. H. Peckover.
Miss V. Geragosian.
Rev. W. J. Spriggs- Smith.
C. Dalrtmple Hall.
G. W. Miller.
Mr. Jarvis.
Mrs. Brown.
J. Doyle Penrose.
Mrs. J. Doyle Penrose.
Birmingham Auxilia/ry of the Peace Society,
Joseph Sturge. I Bev. J. J. Ellis.
Liverpool Peace Society,
Bev. M. J. Elliott. I Andrew Hamilton.
Li/verpool and Birkenhead Women's Peace and Arbitration Society.
Miss F. Thompson.
Miss L. Bobinson.
Mrs. W. p. Thompson.
Miss Esther MoKelvie.
Ma/nchester Auxiliary of the Peace Society,
John Holdsworth.
John Mather.
George Booke, J.P.
Charles Stevenson.
Batter sea Stop the War Committee.
Dr. G. B. Clark.
Belfast Peace Society,
J. C. Marsh.
Bristol Peace Society,
A. Kemp Brown, M.A.
Darlington Local Peace Association,
I J. I
Miss Burtt.
Mrs. S. J. Burtt. I J. Hyslop Bell, J.P.
Bi
Dundee Friends' Temperance Union,
Mrs. Margaret Steel.
Edinburgh Stop the War Convnvittee,
Dr. Watson. | W. D. McGregor.
Hum,a/nita/iria/n League,
J. Frederick Green.
International Union,
W. T. Stead.
Ipstuich Local Peace Association,
Miss S. A. Kitching.
( 139 )
Irish Peace Society,
John Douglas. I John R. Wigham, J. P.
Lancaster and District Pea^e Association,
Charles Lord. | Miss S. E. Barrow.
Order of 8t. John,
Mrs. E. M. Southet.
Stmderla/nd Peace Association.
Herbert Gorder.
Tunhridge Wells Peace Union,
J. G. Alexander, LL.B.
West of Scotland Peace Society,
John Wilson, J.P.
James Clark, J.P.
Wm. Hamilton, J.P.
W. J. Begg.
F. J. Rose.
Rev. W. Walsh.
Alex. MeLELLAND.
Miss E. S. Henderson.
Miss M. A. Henderson.
MiS8 M. Watson.
Mrs. Cuthbertson.
Rt. Rev. Bishop Harrison, D.D.
Professor Hastie .
Rev. G. Gladstone.
Wm. Gray.
Mrs. Gray.
Mrs. Greig.
Mrs. Fyvie Mayo.
THE UNITED STATES.
America/n Peace Society,
Dr. B. F. Trueblood.
Edwin D. Mead.
Mrs. Luoia Ames Mead.
Edward Atkinson.
Peace Association of Friends in America.
Dr. Richard H. Thomas. | Mrs. Anna B. Thomas.
Universal Peace Union,
Rev. H. S. Clubb.
Dr. W. E. Darby.
Felix Mosgheles.
Miss P. H. Pegkover.
CONTINENT.
AUSTRIA.
Groupe de la Paix, Mir, Vyzovice, Moravia,
Dr. G. Bo vet.
DENMARK.
Danish Peace Association,
Mlle. Sigrun Bajer.
( 140 )
FRANCE.
8oci4te Fran^adse d' Arbitrage Internationale,
M. Fbi^d^rig Passt.
La Padx pa/r le Droit,
Prof. Th. Euyssen. j Madame Butssen.
M. Pbudhomheaux.
Alliance XJniverselle dea Femmes pour la Paix,
Miss P. H. Pegkoybb.
Amis de la Padx de Clermont Ferrand.
M. Fb^d^big Passt. | Miss Williams.
Sodete de Paix du FamdMstdre de Qmse,
M. Fb^d^big Passt.
L*ijglise J^vangelique, a Cette,
M. Olaus Eellebmann.
Ligue Internationale de la Paix et de la Liberti,
M. Emile Abnaud.
Association Toulousa/ine de la Paix,
M. AUBBT.
Sodete de la Paix d' Abbeville et du Ponthieu,
M. Jules Tbipieb.
GERMANY.
Oerman Peace Society,
Dr. Adolf Righter | Pbofessob Quidde.
Frankfort Peace Society,
M. RiGHARD Feldhaus. | Madame Feldhaus.
Hamburg Peace Society,
Db. Holtzel.
Madame Holtzel.
Mlle. Emma Ahlswede.
M. J. Wolff.
HOLLAND.
Ligue Qenerale Neerlandaise de la Paix,
Madame de Waszklewigz van Sohilfgaabde.
Nederlandsche Bond voor Vrede door Becht, de la Haye,
Madame de Waszklewigz van Schilfoaabde.
ITALY.
Comitate per la Pace dd Torre PelUce,
M. Paolo Goisson.
RUSSIA.
M. NoviGow.
( 141 )
SPAIN.
His Excellency Don Arturo de Marcoartu.
SWEDEN.
Le8 Associations Scandina/oes de la Paix,
Madame Louise Fr/Enkel.
SWITZEELAND.
Swiss Peace Society*
Dr. Georges Bovet.
Swiss Peace Society (Bale Group).
M. EiCHARD Feldhaus. I Madamr Feldhaus.
Swiss Peace Society (Chaux de Fonds),
M. EicHARD Feldhaus. | Madame Feldhaus.
Society of the Berne International Pea^e Bureau,
M. Emile Arnaud. I Dr. Bovet.
PEESIA.
Association de Padx et d' Arbitrage des Armeniens (Tehera/n).
M. Hambartzoum Arakelian.
MEMBERS OF THE CONGRESS.
M. P. E. Decharme (Paris).
Mr. J. J. Armistead (Sweden).
Mr. S. Brayshaw.
Miss Carver.
Mr. John Chawner (California).
Mrs. Ellis.
Mr. Dykes Alexander Fox.
Miss Nicholson.
Mr. Eobert Niven, M.A.
M. l'Abbi^ Pichot.
Mr. Sidney Eobson.
\
INDEX.
PAGE
Abbeville Peace Society 140
Addresses, Presidential 27, 69
Address of National Bepreseniatives 29
Alexander, Mr. J. G. 24, 26, 36, 80, 106, 106
Alliance Universelle des Femmes pour la Paix 140
American Peace Society 139
Annual Beport of International Bureau 10, 36
Appeal to the Nations 16, 116
Appel aux Nations 117
Arak^lian, M 36,44,46
Arbitration Clause in Treaties 13, 106
Arbitration, Permanent 78, 79, 125, 136
Arbitration Treaties 12, 79, 127, 130, 133
Armenian Question, The 44, 135
Armistead, Mr 36
Arnaud, M. Emile 26, 35, 36, 37, 61, 66, 62, 71, 74, 81, 91,
103, 104, 114
Arnoldson, M. K. P 7, 99
Aubry, M 36, 106
Baart de la Faille, Dr 87
Bajer, M. F 7, 13, 30, 99
Bajer, Miss S 30, 36
Belle Peace Group 141
Barclay, Dr. Thomas 7, 12
Battersea Stop the War Commiittee 138
Begg, Mr. W. J. 26, 37
Belfast Peace Society 138
Bird, Mr. Bobert 26
Birmingham Auxiliary of Peace Society 138
Bodin, Mile 108
Bonner, Mrs. Bradlaugh 67, 89
Bothmer, Count 87
Bovet, Dr 26, 36, 36
Bristol Peace Society 138
Bureau of the Congress 18
Bureau, International Peace 10, 36, 119, 141
Bute, Kyles of 120
Byles, Mr. W. P 49, 67, 90
Byles, Mrs 88
Carlier, Madame 108
Cette, Eglise Evang^lique de 140
Ghauz de Fond Peace Group 141
144 INDBX.
PAGE
Chisholm, Lord Provost, Dr. S 7, 25, 26, 87, 120
Christ, Teaching of U
Clark, Ex-Provost (Paisley) 8, 22, 25, 68
Clark, Dr. G. B 86
Clermont-Ferrand, Amis de la Paix de 140
Clyde, Trip on the Firth of 120
Coisson, Signor 83, 36
Commissions of Enquiry, International 14
Commissions, Preconsaltative 19, 85, 36
Committee of Organisation 6, 18, 26, 119, 120
Committee, Provisional 20
Conference of the Churches 24
Congress, Eleventh 16
Congress, Ninth 13
Congress, Tenth 22
Congresses, Composition of 18
Conscription, Resolution on 112
Constant, Baron d'Estournelles de 128
Conversazione, Opening 22
Cooke, Miss M. L. 6, 107, 108
Co-operation a factor in International Peace 14, 93
Crane, Mr. Walter 27
Danish Peace Association 139
Darby, Dr. W. Evans ... 5, 6, 7, 22, 25, 26, 37, 88, 47, 56, 67, 84,
89, 99, 104, 107, 114, 115, 119
Darlington Local Peace Association 138
Delcaes^, M 128
Deliberations of Congress 20
Diplomatic protection to Christian subjects 11, 96
Ducommun. M. Elie 4, 8, 16, 21, 26, 27, 35, 86, 43, 71, 115
DueUing, Anti 110
Dukhobortsi, Eesolution relating to the Ill
Dundee Friend b* Temperance Union 138
Economic causes of War 14, 98, 134
Edinburgh Stop the War Committee 137
Elliott, Rev. M.J 25
" Facultative,*' Meaning of, re Hague Convention 130
FMe, Annual International 15, 113
Flag, Peace 16, 113
Fleva, M. Nicola 37
Flint's T«a Rooms 103
Frankfort Peace Society 140
French Peace Society 140
Free Trade 13, 114, 117
Friends, Society of... 14, 107, 137
Geneva Peace Society 13, 16
German Peace Society 140
Geragosian, Miss 46
Giretti, Dr. E 87, 114
Glasgow Herald 129, 180
Green, Mr. J. F 5, 6, 7, 87, 71, 78, 114, 119, 120, 121
Guise, Soci^t^ de Paix de 140
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INDEX. 145
PAOE
Hague Conference 28, 29, 113, 135
Hague Convention 12, 13, 78, 126, 130
Hague Tribunal 31, 33, 35, 101, 128
Hamburg Peace Society 140
Hazell, Mr. Walter 8, 67
Holtzell, Dr 36, 140
Horst, M 37
Humanitarian League 138
Hunter, Dr. John 23, 25
Hutton, Rev. Principal 37, 39, 64
International Arbitration and Peace Association 6, 23, 137
International Law 12, 74
International Law Association 128
International Union 138
Invitation, Circulars of 3, 5
Ipswich Local Peace Association 138
Irish Peace Society 139
Jounet, Mr. A 13
Kellerman, M. Glaus 24, 62, 99
Kem^ny, M. P 15, 27, 37
Kent, Councillor 68
Kolben, Dr. Max 27
Lambermont, Baron 127
Lancaster and District Peace Society 139
Language, An auxiliary 47
La Fontaine, Senator Henri 27, 36
Le Foyer, M. Lucien 27
Ligue Internationale de la Paix et de la Libert^ 140
Lima, Senor Maghalhaes 37
Liverpool and Birkenhead Society 107, 138
Liverpool Peace Society 138
Lockwood, Mrs. Belva 36
London Keunion 23
Luncheon of the Congress 120
Lund, Mr. John 8
McKinley, President 22, 120
Manchester Auxiliary of Peace Society 138
Marcoartu, Don Arturo de , 8, 30, 36, 60
Mather, Mr. John 91
Mead, Mr. Edwin D 36, 57, 65, 105, 109
Mead, Mrs 36, 50, 88, 110, 121
Meikleham, Rev. M. B 24, 25
Members of the Congress (imattached) 141
Mexico, Conference at 32
Missionaries, Action of 10, 96
Moch, M. Gaston 10, 11, 15, 16, 36, 37, 48, 49, 60, 91, 113
Mohonk Lake Conference 31
Moneta, Signor E. T 8, 27, 37
Moravian Peace Society * 139
Morel, M. Henri 86
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146 INDEX.
PAGE
Morland, J.P., Mr. 0. C 6, 7
Mosoheles, F., Esq. ... 6, 7, 14, 23, 26, 31, 35, 61, 62, 63, 56, 80,
91, 107, 109, 110, 114, 116, 121
Municipal Beception in Glasgow 37
Netherlands League of Peace 140
Netherlands Bond of Peace 140
Newman, Mr. T. P 6, 36, 51, 65, 74, 82, 116
Novicow, M. Jacques ...8, 14, 84, 36, 37, 40, 44, 61,96, 116, 117, 118, 135
** Obligatory'* ; Meaning in re Hague Convention 131
Officers, Appointment of 26, 35
Offices of the Congress 5, 9
Opening Session 26
Order of St. John 139
Organisation, Committee of 6, 18, 26, 119, 120
Pacigerence (Preservation of Peace) 13,99
Pacigerent Alliance 102
Paisley, Public Meeting at 65
Passy, M. Frederic 9, 24, 33, 36, 37, 60, 57, 66, 86, 114, 121
Peace Association of Friends in America 139
Peace Committee of Society of Friends 138
Peace Movement, Pamphlet by M. J. Novicow 135
Peace Society 6, 23, 54, 137
Peace Union 107, 138
Peckover, Miss P. H 24, 25, 36, 67, 99, 108
Pease, Mr. J. A., M.P 9
Pease, Sir J. W., Bart., M.P 9, 26, 69, 86, 87, 104, 119
Permanent Arbitration 78
Perrin, M. Louis 37
Perris, Mr. G. H 36, 81, 94, 113, 115
Persia, Delegate from 141
Pichot, The Abbe 36, 61, 108
Pratt, Hodgson, Esq 9, 16, 27, 36, 71, 115
Preliminary Meetings 22
Presidency of the Congress 18
President of the Congress, Hon 7, 26, 120
Presidential Addresses 27, 69
Presidents of the Congress 26
Presidents, Vice- 7
Presidents of the Congress, Vice- 35
Press, Bepresentatives of the 120
Prizes, Peace 14
Programme of the Congress 10, 19, 26, 69, 119
Programme, Provisional 3
Propaganda 14
Prudhommeaux, M 36,93
Quidde, Professor 86, 37, 46, 62, 86, 110
Begulations of the Congress 17
Beport on Events of the Year 35,40
Betrogression, Paper by Dr. W. Evans Darby 125
Bichter, Dr. Adolph 9, 29, 86, 37
Bobinson, Miss Ellen 9, 24, 26, 36, 47, 65, 73, 120
Bowntree, Mr. Joshua 24, 37
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INDEX. 147
PAGE
Bnssian Delegation 140
Ruyssen, M 36, 37, 47, 61, 113
Scandinavian Peace Association 141
Secretariats 18
Secretaries 5, 6, 7
Secretaries, General 26
S^nonaise Society 14, 63
Services of M. Ducommun 71, 116, 136
Smith, Mr. Adolphe 40
Society of Friends 14, 107, 137
Society, *^ La Paix par la Droit " 14,16,140
Spain — Delegation 141
Spriggs-Smith, Rev. W. J 24, 45, 63, 98, 115
Stead, Mr. W. T 82, 86, 87, 92, 118
Stein, Dr. L 36
Stnrge, Mr. Joseph 46
Swiss Peace Society 13, 141
Sunday Peace Congress 23
Sunderland Peace Association 139
Suttner, von. Baron and Baroness 27, 31, 36, 37, 116
Thomas, Dr. R. H. (Baltimore) 9, 22, 24, 36, 63
Tighnabruaich 120
Tolstoy, Count Leo Ill
Torre Pellice Peace Committee 140
Toulouse Peace Association 140
Translations, Regulations for 20
Translator, Official 136
Trueblood, Dr. B. F 9, 22, 26, 31, 36, 37, 39, 62, 119, 120, 121
Tunbridge Wells Peace Union 139
Tyneside A. and P. Association 137
UUmann, Mr. V 9, 101
Union of Societies 14,62
** Union Internationale" 136
Union, International 138
Universal Peace Union 139
Vice-Presidents 7
Vice-Presidents of the Congress 36
Voting, Right of 16, 116
Voting, Right of— Paper by Mr. Hodgson Pratt 122
Walsh, Rev. Walter 25, 81, 89, 90
War in South Africa 27, 30, 33
Waszklewicz van Schilfgaarde, Mdme 33, 36
Watson, Dr. R. Spence 24, 26, 27, 52, 119
Wavrinsky, M. E 37
West of Scotland Peace and Arbitration Society 22, 139
Wilson, Mr. John 9, 37, 39
Wilson, Provost D 64
Wisbech Local Peace Association 138
Women, International Alliance of 108
Work of the Peace Societies 62
Wright, Mr. Thomas 84
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