Papers by Franak Viacorka
Warsaw East European Review
Warsaw East European Review
The paper reveals the structure and trends within Belarus government elites in the period between... more The paper reveals the structure and trends within Belarus government elites in the period between 1994 and 2017. Belarus remains one of the least free and under-reformed post-Soviet countries yet it seems to have a strong functional bureaucracy. Seventy-еight percent of ministers and state committee chairs are employed according to their professional career background. The share of appointees with specialized education rose from 71.9% to 86% during Lukashenka’s presidency. So the author assume, that in case of unrest or political transition, a bureaucratic apparatus composed of specialized professionals could play a stabilizing role. This research also shows slight indigenization and westernization of Nomenklatura. The number of officials born in Belarus increased from 71.9% to 81.4%, and those from western Horadnia region increased from 4% to 20%. At the same time, the research revealed, that the Government continues to have an inadequate representation of women (<5%), parties (<11%); meanwhile, it has an increasing presence of professional military (from 15% to 20%).
WARSAW EAST EUROPEAN REVIEW, 2019
Structure of Government elites within the regime of Alaksandar Lukashenka
The paper reveals the s... more Structure of Government elites within the regime of Alaksandar Lukashenka
The paper reveals the structure and trends within Belarus government elites in the period between 1994 and 2017. Belarus remains one of the least free and under-reformed post-Soviet countries yet it seems to have a strong functional bureaucracy. Seventy-еight percent of ministers and state committee chairs are employed according to their professional career background. The share of appointees with specialized education rose from 71.9% to 86% during Lukashenka’s presidency. So the author assume, that in case of unrest or political transition, a bureaucratic apparatus composed of specialized professionals could play a stabilizing role. This research also shows slight indigenization and westernization of Nomenklatura . The number of officials born in Belarus increased from 71.9% to 81.4%, and those from western Horadnia region increased from 4% to 20%. At the same time, the research revealed, that the Government continues to have an inadequate representation of women (<5%), parties (<11%); meanwhile, it has an increasing presence of professional military (from 15% to 20%).
Despite the state independence declared in 1991, Belarus remains under significant political and ... more Despite the state independence declared in 1991, Belarus remains under significant political and cultural influence of Russia. To manipulate Belarusian identity, Russia employs four principal instruments: mass media, civil organizations, the Russian Orthodox Church, and think tanks. Some of these institutions are financed directly by the Russian Government directly (Russian Cultural Centers, “Sputnik” or “Rossiya Segodnia”) or indirectly (the Church), others through the foundations (Rossotrudnichestvo, Russkiy Mir Foundation and The Alexander Gorchakov Public Diplomacy Fund). The network of NGOs is aimed at promotion of Russian language, culture, and history, support for ethnic Russians, imposing All-Russian and Orthodox values. Besides that, Russia sponsors TV channels, extended networks of internet groups, and think tanks in order to build a positive opinion about Moscow and its policies. The extensive presence of pro-Russian organizations may not impose an immediate threat to Belarus’ independence, it rather facilitates long-term goals — to Russify national identity of Belarusians step by step and to prevent any potential pro-Western or anti-Russian aspirations.
Belarus, as one of the least reformed post-Soviet countries, needs a large-scale privatization. T... more Belarus, as one of the least reformed post-Soviet countries, needs a large-scale privatization. Two attempts of privatization (1990-1996 and 2007-2013) failed, market reforms were stopped and reversed by Nomenklatura and President Alaksandr Lukashenka. Protracted reforms have led to companies’ inefficiency and long-time economic stagnation. In this paper, I emphasize mistakes and provide some recommendations for what could be done better. It is essential to combine different forms of privatization, including management/employees buyout and sellings to foreign companies through transparent auctions. This would help to destroy existing state monopoly and informal networks, integrate economy of Belarus into the international market, and attract investments for making companies more competitive.
In light of increasing confrontation with the West, Russia has expanded deploying operations in t... more In light of increasing confrontation with the West, Russia has expanded deploying operations in the information domain to influence, disrupt or manipulate adversarial public opinion and votes. These campaigns: 1) have an organized and massive character; 2) involve the internet, media, and social networks; 3) are usually non-attributable and difficult to detect. In cooperation with the private sector and allied governments, USG should develop a coherent plan to deter and mitigate these hostile actions.
In this paper, we seek to answer the questions: How does the U.S tailor its cultural diplomacy pr... more In this paper, we seek to answer the questions: How does the U.S tailor its cultural diplomacy programs and tactics to align with cultural nuances of Belarus and Egypt? How are efforts complicated by poor relations, foreign policy and differences in culture? In the first part, we analyze the historical background of U.S. cultural diplomacy; introduce concepts of “American cultural imperialism” and “”Americanization” as well as critique them. We also present old and new approaches and strategies of CD. In the second part, we analyze Belarus and Egypt from the dimensions of the contrast-cultural framework, and introduce the implications of cultural diplomacy in both countries, which are located in two strategic U.S. foreign policy regions— Middle East and Post-Soviet Europe. Lastly, we provide separate S.W.O.T. analysis, comparison of US-Egypt and US-Belarus patterns, and give recommendations on how diplomats and policymakers could improve the efficiency of American “soft power.”
Самыя замкнёныя лексічныя групы слоў: назвы месяцаў года і дзён тыдня, пальцаў рук, а таксама шах... more Самыя замкнёныя лексічныя групы слоў: назвы месяцаў года і дзён тыдня, пальцаў рук, а таксама шахматных фігур. Як вядома, змены ў любой мове непазбежныя, але ж захаваць лексічны падмурак можна. Гэта рабіў Ластоўскі ў дачыненні да такіх груп.
In this paper we’ll examine how New Media and advances in communication have changed the relation... more In this paper we’ll examine how New Media and advances in communication have changed the relationship between media and those in power. Despite popular opinion that the development of social networks stimulated pro-democratic movements in different parts of the globe, no strong evidence exists for this connection. In the first part of this paper, we’ll take a look how authoritarianism can use New Media tools against political opponents and for propaganda goals. In a second part, we analyze the New Media efficiency in the democratization process using the principles developed by Peaceworks research "Blogs and Bullets: New Media in contentious politics."
Moreover, we are going to find answers for questions: When and how did New Media became a player? Can authoritarian governments use New Media with the same efficiently as citizens? Are these tools as effective for mobilizing people as we expect?
The purpose of this paper is to show both positive and negative effects of further socialization... more The purpose of this paper is to show both positive and negative effects of further socialization of American health care system, including externalities. We also try to answer why European or Canadian models of universal or single-payer medicine may fail in the United States. As an alternative, we present a range of steps to liberalize health care, based on the publication by Gail Wilensky, James C. Capretta, Joseph Antos. We assume that these steps should stimulate the market, make it more competitive and transparent, and this, as we believe, should normalize prices and make healthcare affordable for different social groups without raising taxes.
Drafts by Franak Viacorka
Для беларускай мовы з 7 асноўных відаў дзеепрыметнікаў індаэўрапейскай мовы, зь якой утварылася і... more Для беларускай мовы з 7 асноўных відаў дзеепрыметнікаў індаэўрапейскай мовы, зь якой утварылася і беларуская, характэрныя і шырока ўжываюцца толькі 3 формы: непераходныя прошлага часу незалежнага стану, прошлага часу залежнага стану, цяперашняга часу залежнага стану. Утварэньне астатніх жа формаў даецца ў “Беларускай граматыцы” (1962 г.), але іх ужываньне ненатуральнае, бо было навязанае, падчас савецкага “збліжэньня славянскіх моваў да расейскай”, у якой ўсе гэтыя формы захаваліся і цяпер шырока распаўсюджаныя.
Thesis Chapters by Franak Viacorka
Autor bada specyfikę marketingu medialnego oraz promocji mediów audiowizualnych w warunkach państ... more Autor bada specyfikę marketingu medialnego oraz promocji mediów audiowizualnych w warunkach państwa autorytarnego, a mianowicie Białorusi, gdzie rynek mediów jest zmonopolizowany przez media państwowe. Autor poddał analizie charakterystykę marketingu medialnego, promocji, klasyfikację technik promocyjnych dla TV oraz radia. Praca opisuje także sytuację na rynku medialnym Białorusi, w tym ograniczenia, z którymi się spotykają media niezależne od władz. W rozdziale praktycznym proponuje się projekty dwóch kampanii promocyjnych dla Radia Svaboda oraz Biełsat TV z uwzględnieniem warunków na Białorusi.
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Papers by Franak Viacorka
The paper reveals the structure and trends within Belarus government elites in the period between 1994 and 2017. Belarus remains one of the least free and under-reformed post-Soviet countries yet it seems to have a strong functional bureaucracy. Seventy-еight percent of ministers and state committee chairs are employed according to their professional career background. The share of appointees with specialized education rose from 71.9% to 86% during Lukashenka’s presidency. So the author assume, that in case of unrest or political transition, a bureaucratic apparatus composed of specialized professionals could play a stabilizing role. This research also shows slight indigenization and westernization of Nomenklatura . The number of officials born in Belarus increased from 71.9% to 81.4%, and those from western Horadnia region increased from 4% to 20%. At the same time, the research revealed, that the Government continues to have an inadequate representation of women (<5%), parties (<11%); meanwhile, it has an increasing presence of professional military (from 15% to 20%).
Moreover, we are going to find answers for questions: When and how did New Media became a player? Can authoritarian governments use New Media with the same efficiently as citizens? Are these tools as effective for mobilizing people as we expect?
Drafts by Franak Viacorka
Thesis Chapters by Franak Viacorka
The paper reveals the structure and trends within Belarus government elites in the period between 1994 and 2017. Belarus remains one of the least free and under-reformed post-Soviet countries yet it seems to have a strong functional bureaucracy. Seventy-еight percent of ministers and state committee chairs are employed according to their professional career background. The share of appointees with specialized education rose from 71.9% to 86% during Lukashenka’s presidency. So the author assume, that in case of unrest or political transition, a bureaucratic apparatus composed of specialized professionals could play a stabilizing role. This research also shows slight indigenization and westernization of Nomenklatura . The number of officials born in Belarus increased from 71.9% to 81.4%, and those from western Horadnia region increased from 4% to 20%. At the same time, the research revealed, that the Government continues to have an inadequate representation of women (<5%), parties (<11%); meanwhile, it has an increasing presence of professional military (from 15% to 20%).
Moreover, we are going to find answers for questions: When and how did New Media became a player? Can authoritarian governments use New Media with the same efficiently as citizens? Are these tools as effective for mobilizing people as we expect?